Language:

However, according to philologists, their language is considered an offshoot of the Indo-Aryan  language group in its current state. It is indeed a matter of puzzlement. Concerning the present  Chakma vocabulary or basic word-stock, it may be rightly observed that it contains a  considerable store of words which initially belonged to the old Indo Aryan (OIA) languages,  as well as Bengali, Assamese, Hindi, etc. of the New Indo-Aryan (NIA) languages. Moreover,  many Chakma words are identical in use with the ‘Tibeto-Burman and the Tibeto-Chinese  languages, such as Tibetan, Arakanese, Burmese, Ahom, Thai, Kadai, Bodo, Tripuri, etc. In  case of grammatical character, the Chakma language also retains a distinct affinity with both  linguistic groups, as mentioned earlier. Sumana Bhattacharya, in her PhD thesis, A Linguistic  Study of Chakma, writes that the Chakmas not only have their form of speech but also a separate  script, although they do not widely use it in modern times. Incidentally, it may be mentioned  that ‘Agar Tara, a religious book of the Chakmas, is written in the Chakma script. The period  during which the Chakma script came into existence is not known, even to the Chakmas (Chakma, C.R. 1986: 67-68). The status of Chakma as a language or a dialect is still a matter  of controversy. Diverse opinions are as follows: Grierson (1903:1994: 321) says that though Chakma is a “broken dialect of Bengali.” it has undergone so much transformation that it is almost worthy of the dignity of being classed as a separate language.” He again mentions that  “it is written in an alphabet which, ... is almost identical with the Khmer character, which was  formerly in use in Cambodia, Laos, Annam, Siam and at least, the southern parts of Burma.  This Khmer alphabet is, in its turn, the same as that which was current in the south of India in  the sixth and seventh centuries.” Chatteiji (1951: 1974: 174) states, “the Chakma dialect of  Bengali spoken by the Buddhist Chakma tribe living in Chittagong Hill Districts, is Chittagong  Bengali, with some features which connect it with West Bengali and Assamese.” In this  connection, it is interesting to take note of a letter written by Chatteiji (1967, in Talukdar  1988:217) containing his views on the nature of Chakma. Chatteiji writes, “among the various  forms of Bengali, the Chakma dialect of Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts, which has also  spread into Burma, is of very linguistic importance. It appears to be a form of South Eastern  Bengali, as spoken in Chittagong, but there has been a rampant phonetic decay or development,  and at times, along new lines. Then the morphological system also shows some new inflexions.  Furthermore, the syntax has its unique characteristics. The language, compared with any other  form of Bengali, appears to be very much abbreviated and attenuated. In its vocabulary, there  are words from Arakan (Burma) and many unexplained words which make its study very  tantalising! As stated by SJC. Chatterji (1926: 1970: 140) Dialects of Bengali are of four types:

(1) Radha (2) Varendra, (3) Kama - rupa and (4) Vanga Punya Sloke Ray (1966:2) thinks that Chakma is a “highly divergent dialect.” As Capt. T. H.  Lewin (1869:65) says, “the elders among them are still acquainted with the Arracanese  vernacular, but the present generation is fast amalgamating with the rest of the tribe and uses a  corrupt species of Bengalee with them.” Some words are in general use among the Chakmas,  which are derived neither from Arracanese nor Bengalee roots, and from which possibly some  clues may be gained as to their origin.” He also states (1869:66) that they “have a written  character peculiar to the tribe. Still, the form of the letters shows that they are merely a rude  adaptation of the Arracanese alphabet.” R.H. Sneyd Hutchinson (1909:18) states “, Bengali is  the court language and is understood throughout the Hill Tracts. Chakma is a dialect of Bengali  written in corrupt Burmese characters.” Pierre Bessaignet (1958:10) writes that the Chakma  tribe “has been affected by Bengali influence more than any other of the Chittagong tribal  groups. Although ancient manuscripts reveal that the original Chakma language was written in Burmese characters and probably was a Burmese dialect, the common tongue today is a  corrupted form of Bengali. S.R. Maitra (1976: 42) considers the speech of the Chakmas to be  Bengali but “not like the prevalent Bengali language. It is a shorter and corrupted form of the  original Bengali language.” Satishchandra Ghosh (1909: 321) also opines that the Chakmas  use nothing but the “shorter” and “corrupted” Bengali. In “Atlas of the World’s languages”  (Asher and Mosely, 1994:208), Chakma is designated as a “tribal language” whose “genetic  affiliation” is with “Indo-Aryan languages.” In the book “The Chittagong Hill Tracts of  Bangladesh: The Untold Story” (Shelley, M.R., 1992: 49), it is stated that “the language of the  Chakma... is an archaic dialect, a variant of Chittagong Bengali written in corrupt Burmese  characters.” There are 28 religious books of the Chakma, all of which are in Pali.” In the same  book again, we find (P. 44) “the tracts are at present inhabited by 13 tribes, each speaking its  distinct dialect. The three principal tribes are Chakmas, Marmas and Tripuras.”

Chakma Society:

The Chakmas take pride in their royal heritage. Previously, they were ruled by the Chakma  kings. The Chakmas are divided into different clans or “gosthis”. The headman of this tribal  society, or the king, tries to settle any confusion, conflict, or dispute among the clans. In their  tribal culture, Chakma women largely enjoy freedom and are true helpmates to the Chakma  men in their domestic chores and outside work. It is also noteworthy that the free mixing of  unmarried girls and boys is permissible in the Chakma society. According to the Chakmas, their  ancestors were kshatriyas of north Indian origin, who invaded Arakan towards the end of the 14th century, settled there and intermarried with the local people. However, there is no credible  evidence to corroborate this story, and all modern writers on the subject consider it a myth.

Hutchinson points out that the Indian kshatriya link was forged during Kalindi Rani's time in  the 19th century, when Hindu influence was at its peak in her court, and the worship of Siva  and Kali began to creep into their rituals. A.M Serajuddin, in his article, writes that the  Chakmas are not the only Arakanese tribe to claim descent from the ancient warrior class of  north India. The accepted idea amongst the Magadhs is that their ancestors were kshatriya  princes of Magadha. The Burmese are undoubtedly a Mongolian race; yet their traditions hark  back to India, not China. "Their chronicles read as if they were descended from Buddha's  clansmen and lived in Upper India". Numerically, the largest tribe in the hills, the Chakmas,  was also culturally the most advanced. As late as 1876, the other tribes were still described as

"purely savages, and unamenable to civilisation". However, the Chakmas had their history,  mythology, folklore, scriptures, and religious literature. Some tribal rites had, of course, crept  into their worship, but unlike the other tribes who were predominantly animists, they were  essentially Buddhists. In later years, the more primitive tribes could not resist the temptations  of Christianity, unlike the relatively stable Chakma society. When English education was introduced in the hills, the Chakma boys were found to be the most advanced of all the hill  races attending the state-run schools in the district. Gautam Buddha was born in this clan. It is  narrated in history that a part of this clan was compelled to quit their country by another  stronger people to whom they belonged. This part of the Sakya clan was found to have taken  shelter in the regions of Burma and Arakan, as well as in the eastern part of India. The Chakmas regard themselves as the descendants of the Sakya clan, which was driven from the Himalayan  regions in northern India. The Burmese called the newcomers "THEK" or "THET," and the  Chakmas made their acquaintance with the name "Sak" or "CHANG." In a later period, MA,  with the meaning MANUCH (MAN), is added with CHANG, and a new generic word,  CHANGMA, is created. The British made a slight difference and wrote the word as ‘Chakma.’

However, at present, the Chakma are classified into three major groups or sections: Anokkya,  Tangchongya, and Dainnak. According to Chakma history, the Chakmas lived in the middle of  Burma and Arakan for five hundred years. However, in the first half of the fourteenth century,  they migrated west of Arakan, specifically to the vicinity of Chittagong. The Chakmas who  migrated to the western part of Arakan were called Anokkya by the Arakanese, as the Arakanese  language's meaning of the word "Anok" is "a little west". And the Chakmas who remained in  the Arakanese hill regions were called TANGCHONGYA. The word ‘Tong’ means hill in the  Arakanese language. Besides these two groups, there was another group of the Chakmas named  DAINNAK. They served and remained in the Arakanese army. The word DAINNAK means  the soldier holding a shield. The above-mentioned Chakmas and Tangchongas have been  residing in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong, Tripura, and Mizoram for some time. And the  Dainnaks have been living in Arakan. Initially, the Chakmas, who were known as Anokkyas,  are now commonly referred to as Chakmas. Besides the three groups of Chakmas, there are  also several smaller groups. These are GOZAS and GUTTHIS. Different clans living under the  control of the Dewan are collectively referred to as GOZA. Each of the clans which comprise a GOZA is known as GUTTHI. Among the Chakmas, forty GOZAS and one hundred and  thirty-three GUTTHIS are noted. It should be noted that each Goza is comprised of many  GUTTHIS or clans. But each GUTTHI is related to the same blood running in all members of  the clan, and for this reason, no matrimonial relation is permitted within the members of the same clan. But marriage is permitted between different clans among the same GOZA. The  scholars think that the GOZA system was introduced in the reign of the Mughals. While  ‘Chakmas were residing in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, which was brought under the sway of  the Mughal, the tax collectors to facilitate their work bestowed the power upon a chosen man  to collect tax from a group of villages. Afterwards, the villages were named GOZA after the  name of the man or the area. In the British paramountcy, taxes were also collected through the  chief of the GOZA for easy tax collection. To encourage the headmen, they were honoured with  the title of Dewan. The Dewans were also given the power to exercise the judgment of the  Customary Laws of the Chakmas. It is said that in the Mughal period, this number was raised  to forty or more. Most of the Buddhist Chakmas are refugees or exiled from erstwhile East  Pakistan, and have the longest spell of stateless existence in India since 1964. Even after five  decades of exile, they continue to live without much hope of a turnaround anytime soon. Unlike  the Tibetan refugees, whose inflows into India have trickled on intermittently ever since 1951,  the Chakmas came in one fell swoop, with some 40,000 of them seeking asylum on grounds of  persecution and displacement from the then East Pakistan. While the then Prime Minister  Jawaharlal Nehru granted them asylum, he could not oversee the resettlement process, as he  died the same year. This made a huge difference to the fate of the Chakma refugees, who could  not receive the kind of personal attention that the Tibetans did from him.

Religion:

Chakmas identify themselves as Buddhists by religion. But their actual practices do not make  them identical to the thought of Buddhism. Except for performances like Sat Dinnhya (the  seventh-day rite for the departed, after the death of a family member). Phareikh (listening to  Parittas, the religious discourses), Chamanhi (becoming a temporary Afainjhyang (novice) for  about seven days), Offering Dana (gift) like Putgalik Dana (offering to single or less than four  monks), Sangha Dana (offering to four or more monks), Kathin Chibar Dana (offering of  monks’ robes made within one day) from the next day of the full moon day of Aswina to the  full moon day of Kartik, which was also introduced in the 1970s by Ven. Vana Bhante and  Buddha Pujas on confident Purnima (full moon days) and other Buddhistic rites like Sibali  Puja, dedication of Bat Gachutswarga (dedication of banyan tree/peepul tree), Hajar Batti (dedication and burning of thousand lamps/candles), Tangon Dan: Phara Dan (dedication of  banners), Phanach (dedication of paper-made hot balloon), etc. The other practices hint at  animism and Orthodox Hinduism. The Chakmas were traditionally Hindu before 1856. Their  Hinduism was orthodox as stated in the Puranas. But the name of some gods. Goddesses and  other characters differ from those found in present-day Hinduism and its literature, as per Bijak.  Many Chakma Muslims were ardent followers of Hinduism. They practised animal sacrifice  and other forms of God worship. Although they currently identify themselves as Buddhists.  Buddhism was a side religion to them. They practised the Buddhist Rauwli Dhamma alongside Hindu practices. They applied Buddhism primarily for family rituals in death and treatment.  They are traditional monks. The Luries performed the Buddhist rites by reciting from their 36  traditional Buddhist scripture, the Agar Tara (written religion). It is said that up to the Chakma  ruler Kalindi Rani, many Chakma rulers were followers of Hinduism. The Chakma practised  their traditional Buddhism for the death rite and the salvation of a deceased soul at Satdinnya,  Karma, Garhi Tana. Bhat Dya, Jadi Pujo, Dhanma Kama Pujo, etc. On the other hand, they  appeased Gonghei, Ma Lakkhi, Ganga, Bhoot, Kaleia, Parameswari, Ochsya, Saudagachsya,  Kali, Tridep, Saraswatthi, Mrala, Kala Khedhar. Chela, Sibangsa, thirty-six spirits at  Thanmana, Jakkkhyo, Puri, Khagini, Mohini, Dein, Jugini, Biatra, Roaproo, etc., with lamps,  flowers, sweetmeat, popped rice, and sacrifice of animals like chicken, Goat, Duck, pigeon,  etc., for protection, in case of illness and release from illness. Chakmas worshipped the  Almighty God called Gonghei/Gozen/Gosain without any form. It was later replaced with the  photo or image of the Lord Buddha. In this land's rich spiritual tapestry, where the sacred and  the mundane entwine, ancient rituals dictate a profound respect for unseen forces. Every first  fruit and harvest, embark on a journey of reverence, offered first to Gongei, then to Lokkhi Ma.  Gongei's vibrant tribute of wine, rice, meat, fish, curry, oil lamps, and flowers finds its home  on a Maja, a delicate canopy woven into the Berchaga of the Singgoba, the drawing-room's  quietude. Lokkhi Ma, meanwhile, receives her due in the Matdhya Gudhi, the heart of the  home, her offerings of rice, meat, eggs, lamps, crab, grasshoppers, and kanjee or jogorha (the  potent rice beer) carefully placed within a Chol Lei, a sacred rice container, alongside curries,  though notably absent are shrimp and rosselle leaves. A pivotal moment, the Dhan Hat Dya,  marks the first breath of the paddy harvest, a solemn pact with the earth's bounty sealed by the  sacrifice of a pig or chicken and at least one crab. Lokkhi Ma, ever present, is honoured each  Thursday, her blessings sought for prosperity. Other deities, too, hold sway, with Gonga, a  steadfast protector, appeased by a Bhat Jara (rice pouch), a Cherak (oil lamp), and flowers. In  times of birth, illness, or peril, animals like a chicken or a goat may be sacrificed. Bhoodha demands a more specific devotion, accepting cock, pig, and lamps. Marriage, a cornerstone of  society, and the annual Chumulang festival, a time for seeking prosperous and peaceful family  life, are dedicated to a pantheon of deities: Kaleia, Saudagochjchya, Parameswari, Ochsya, and  Michchinghya, revered as manifestations of the great Siva, Durga, Ganesha, and Michchinghya  himself, the human consort of Lokkhi as told in the Lokkhi Palha. Their offerings are precise:  Kaleia receives a cock, Parameswari a hen, Michchinghya either a cock or hen, and Ochsya a  humble egg. The rites of purification and warding off ill fortune fall under the purview of  Ganga, Bhooda, Biatra, and Roaproo, invoked at locations such as Afadha Dhwa and Bur Para  to cleanse and protect. The landscape itself is imbued with sacredness, as evidenced by the  worship of thirty-six deities at Than Mana, which involves appeasing the spirits of a specific  place. Lokkhi Ma, in her pervasive grace, is not only worshipped for prosperity and a bountiful harvest with offerings of Jagarha, eggs, flowers, rice, and curry on Thursdays, but also receives  the profound sacrifice of a chicken and a pig during the harvest season, a testament to the depth  of gratitude. This intricate tapestry of belief encompasses a vast array of divine and spiritual  entities: the Tri Dev (Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva) stand alongside Bhoot, Przt, Dyo, Puri, Sijhi,  Jokghyo, Mongsha, Biaira, Rodproo, Narenghya, Tridep, Trinhath, Kali, and Durga. Even  fairies and witches find their place in this intricate cosmos. In moments of illness, or when  protection and blessings are sought, deities like Hajangmha, Khega, Bhogha, Ulombatya,  Nimuchchya, Kala Khedhar, Hoiadeveda, Deins, and Paris, along with countless other spirits,  are appeased. These rituals and offerings, preserved through generations by the Ojha and  Vaitdyas (exorcists and healers, often the same), are meticulously detailed in the myths, Palhas,  and Pujo Bijak (the sacred texts outlining puja specifics). Though often bearing different  names, these deities echo the ancient figures found within the Puranas. Their appeasement is a  precise art, guided by the Pujo Bijak's dictates regarding their preferences: oil lamps, flowers,  eggs, sweetmeats, wine, and the sacrifice of animals like chicken, duck, pig, goat, and pigeon— each chosen according to the deity's specific desires. Even in the Gojhena Lamha, the saint  poet Sip Charan composed his prayers for the Gozen, the Almighty God. He had also prayed  to Bar Kamal, Phool Kamal, and Neel Kamal, who are none other than Brahma, Vishnu, and  Shiva. In every Geingkhulee singing. The line ‘Tagal Dharhei Kharsilot, Bachsi Ma Saraswatthi mar jwilot' is always recited as a prayer to Saraswati. The Goddess of learning. the  Hindu goddess to sit on the tongue of the singer and dictate the ballad. Therefore, it appears  that the Chakma were essentially Hindus. Though the Chakmas were basically Hindus, they  have accepted the five precepts of Buddhism, the Pancha Sheelas in their own way in their day to-day life. The five precepts of (1) not to kill living beings, (2) not to steal, (3) not to tell lies,  (4) not to commit adultery, and (5) not to consume intoxicants to the extent of losing reason  are taught to everybody from childhood. But these are not strictly followed in day-to-day life.  There is relaxation for a common man, but the monks are expected to observe them properly.  It is said that the monks need to observe 227 Sheelas. Some common people refrain from killing  animals during the rainy season if they have vowed to observe ‘Sadang.’ The old folk also  observe ‘Uposatta’ called ‘Asta Sheel,’ observing eight precepts during ‘Angocjsya’,  ‘Punnima’ and ‘Achtami’ (New moon, full moon and eighth day of the moon) at the temple or  home. They also try to avoid killing any animal on these days. The Chakmas rear animals such  as chickens, ducks, and pigs. dog. goat. buffalo. cow, etc. Except for the cow, cat and dog, other  animals are reared for meat only. The cow is reared for milk and ploughing fields, and the cat  and dog are kept for hunting and guarding. They also hunt and eat some insects, fish, snails,  jungle animals such as deer, Changara (sambhars), Gaba (Methun/Goyal) snakes, birds, fowls,  and almost all animals except monkeys, tigers, vultures, and crows. It is believed that rearing  animals or hunting them for food need not be strictly followed by a layman; rather, it should  be strictly followed by monks for spiritual gain. Choosing to kill for a livelihood or as a  profession is not encouraged. It is also believed that killing an animal is a form of giving  salvation from animal life, allowing it to have a better life, thereby satisfying others’ hunger.  An animal hunted by a Chakma is shared among at least three lineages of people as per  tradition. My mother told us one incident that before her marriage, her mother (my  grandmother) once advised her - ‘Daughter! Being a family holder, you need to kill chicken,  etc., living beings to feed children, family members, and for the entertainment of guests, but  you should slaughter them, not taking them as a living being but as ‘cutting/cleaning a  vegetable.’

In short, the practice of Buddhism by the Chakma tribe is not affiliated with the Mahayana or  Hinayana schools of Buddhism, but rather the practical Buddhism of an ordinary person. They  follow the middle path and believe in Kamma and Dana to the monks to overcome the sins  they might have committed in their family life as laymen. It is said that. Except for the five  sinful Parajika acts, the other sins can be overcome through good deeds and Dāna (offering and  charity). If it is not a fact, Angulimala, who is said to have killed 999 people, would not have  attained arhanthood. Hence, right Kamma or proper action is the true Buddhism.

The influence of Animism is traceable in the pujas of the Chakmas. The influence of animism  plays a significant role in the performances of the Chakma Pujas. It is superfluous to say that  this originated from the traditional community's beliefs and thoughts. For this reason, the  mystic rituals are often combined with the performance of pujas. And this type of mystic beliefs  and rites are also found in the pujas and rituals of other races or nations to this day. We know  that primitive men could not analyse the mystery of nature, and out of this, some mystic beliefs  were formed in their minds, and Chakmas are not an exception to this. For this, they drew  inspiration from trees, flowers, leaves, forests, rivers, hills, gods, and sources of supernatural  power and ritual, which originated from these ideas and beliefs. With the advancement of  learning, reasons emerged to analyse these, and some of the rituals have changed to some  extent. These changed forms can be found in folk tales, folk rituals, and folk gospels, among  others. The Chakma ritual may be compared to the rituals of other tribes in Tripura. Wine is  offered as an essential article for the puja of the Chakma. It is observed that almost all tribes  have a part of the puja offerings. They have no fixed puja pandal. They offer puja in natural  surroundings or at their house. It is a characteristic feature of the ancient puja ritual to analyse  the sacrificed cock or hen and the provided “articles to determine good or evil which would  derive from the puja. This custom is prevalent among the ancient tribes of Burma and Thailand.  Jhum or forest-oriented gods and goddesses are seen in almost all tribes. However, some  dissimilarities remain in the rituals. Totemism prevails among these tribes. But the Chakmas  do not believe in Totemism. Probably, the direct influence of Buddhism led to the cessation of  ancient rites. The Chakmas are not snake worshippers. But we find that the other tribes of the  North-Eastern regions are devoted to Snake worship. Even in some cultured and developed  Hindu sects, worshipers are devotees of the Snake. The Chakmas are also devotees of the Sun's  puja. However, worshipping the Sun is prevalent in many ancient cultures around the world.

Now, we can discuss the influences of ancient Buddhist rituals on the Pujas and festivals of the  Chakmas. The Vadya Puja of the ‘Chakmashas an essential role in the Chakma society ‘and we  find the mention of this Vadya Puja in the ancient Buddhist literature. It is cited in ancient  Buddhist literature that Bimbisara, the King of Magadha, once worshipped the Vadya Pujain,  following Buddhist rites, for the salvation of the souls of his deceased kin. Therefore, the  Chakmas followed the ancient Buddhist rites, as did their Buddhist predecessors; this can be  inferred. The customary festival of Chariot drawing among the Chakmas likely originated  under the influence of Buddhism, following the principles outlined in the Tantras. “Biju”

(celebrated on the eve of the new year) and “Buddha Purnima” (birth anniversary of Lord  Buddha) are the major Chakma festivals.

The intricate religious practices of the Chakma people, as described, offer a fascinating glimpse  into a syncretic spiritual landscape. While identifying as Buddhists, their rituals demonstrate a  rich fusion of animistic and Hindu traditions, deeply embedded in their daily lives and cultural  heritage.

Marriage:

In Chakma society, two types of marriages are in vogue. One system is based on a religious  system of marriage and is typically followed by the more affluent section of society. The  Buddhist BHIKSUS performs this marriage according to the spiritual tenets. Another system  is the traditional one conducted by the village ojhas. This marriage system is as follows. The  age of marriage between 15 and 16 and 22 and 24 is generally applicable to females and males.  The government has restricted early marriage before attaining the age of 18 years as it brings  a curse to society, and the death of premature mothers often takes place. Girls are not given in  marriage before attaining maturity. They are to reach the age of puberty. Child marriage is rare  in the Chakma society. When a man reaches the marriageable age of 20 to 22 years, his parents  begin searching for a suitable bride. When this is discovered, a relative of the bride's family  would be sent to the bride's house. A day will be ‘fixed up after a favourable discussion between  both families of the male and the female. The parents of the bridegroom would go to the bride's  house, taking a bottle of wine with them. The parents will sleep in the bride's home. According  to customs prevailing in the Chakma Society, marriage can be held only between Khellya  Kudum, i.e., between the same generation or alternate generation, and it should not be of the  same Gutthi (lineage). And if a marriage is to be solemnised between the same Guiti1i, there  should be a gap of more than seven Palla/Pirhis (generations). However, marriage between a  telated grandfather and granddaughter, a related grandmother and grandson and vice versa is  practicable. Currently, marriage is permitted within the same Gurthi, with a gap of five  Palla/Pirhis. A marriage cannot be considered valid without societal recognition, and it should  be accompanied by the performance of Jadan, Chumulang, Khana Poi, Bya Suth Bhanga, and  Byah Bur, as well as listening to Phareikh from the monks. The Chakma social structure is intricately woven around kinship and the concept of 'Gutthi' (clan), which profoundly  influences matrimonial norms. For instance, marriage eligibility often hinges on relations being  of the same generation and sharing a 'Khellya Kudum' (even relation), though surprisingly, a  complete lack of pre-existing relation or connections through alternate/grand relations are also  deemed acceptable. This nuanced approach permits specific unions, such as those between  various forms of cousins and in-laws, while strictly prohibiting others, including those with  aunts, nieces, individuals from the same 'Gutthi', and those falling within five to seven  generations of each other. Furthermore, marrying an elder/older sister of the wife or a younger  brother's widow is expressly forbidden.

Marriage within the Chakma community transcends a mere union of individuals, often  signifying a strategic alliance between families. This is underscored by customs such as the  bride's parents receiving symbolic payments like 'Dudholee Tengā' and jewels from the groom's  side. While traditional age guidelines suggest boys marry between 15 and 20 years old and girls  between 12 and 15, the community demonstrates flexibility, allowing older individuals to  marry, particularly when influenced by economic circumstances or the unavailability of  suitable younger partners.

Five distinct methods of marriage are practised: 'Melā', the most traditional form, involves a  meticulous arranged process where the guardian of the eligible boy seeks a bride through  trusted relatives and friends. Once a suitable match is identified, comprehensive information  about the guardian is gathered, leading to a formal proposal. If accepted, a marriage date is set,  and the groom's family presents symbolic gifts, including a bottle of wine, a goat, and other  pleasantries, at the bride's residence. This process also involves thorough investigations into  the boy's character, family background, and any physical deformities, along with a series of  'Tin Pur' (three visits) to the girl's guardian for detailed discussions, culminating in the  'Shātāhikkya' ceremony. Financial penalties are imposed for cancellations made without cause.

Another method is 'Jāmei Tulhee denā', where the groom relocates to the bride's house, often  due to his financial constraints or lack of a suitable home. In this scenario, the marriage  ceremony, and associated rituals, such as 'Jadan', 'Chumulang', 'Khānā Siranā', and 'Byāh Burh',  are all performed at the bride's residence.

'Dhābhā Mārnyo' describes marriages resulting from elopement, a path often taken when social,  status, or economic barriers impede a conventional union. While initially unconventional, these  unions can later gain parental approval, although they are frequently accompanied by a fine imposed on the boy. A unique aspect of this method is the 'Tangchangya Chakmas' custom,  where the boy gifts a pitcher of water to the bride's maternal grandfather. Among the Chakma  people, marriage is more than a personal affair; it is a deeply woven, communal, and cultural  process shaped by ancestral values and social expectations. One of the more controversial  forms of union, known as Dhuri Nejānā—or marriage by abduction—remains a practice  steeped in both stigma and structure. While inherently coercive, such a marriage may still be  legitimised under certain conditions: if the abducted individual gives later consent, if customary  protocols under Khellya Kudum are followed, and if the parents approve. Even so, the abductor  is typically fined, underscoring the community’s disapproval of forced unions.

In contrast, Court Marriage offers a legal route to matrimony through mutual consent via  affidavit. Yet, despite its formal recognition, such unions are often seen as socially insufficient  unless accompanied by religious and customary ceremonies. Couples choosing this path may  encounter resistance from their community, including fines or allegations of impropriety if they  bypass traditional rites.

Traditionally, unions within the same Gutthi (clan) were forbidden. However, this restriction  has eased, with marriage now permissible if the partners are separated by at least five  generations, referred to as Pāllā or Pīrīs. Interestingly, unions between grandchildren and  grandparents—such as a grandfather marrying his granddaughter—are not taboo within this  social framework, reflecting unique cultural interpretations of kinship boundaries.

Entering Chakma marital traditions is like navigating an ancient forest, dense with symbolic  practices and communal wisdom. Courtship begins not with private romance, but with a formal  visit by the groom’s family—often younger relatives—to the bride’s home. This is a carefully  structured occasion where elders, representing the gravity of tradition, take their places with  solemn authority. Central to the proceedings is the Sābāthālā, a respected elder whose role is  to oversee rituals and ensure the marriage aligns with long-standing customs.

The initial gathering merely sets the stage for prolonged negotiations. Key symbols of  commitment, such as jewellery (Mehta Alankar) and ceremonial items (Pāch Kābanā), are  presented as offerings of respect and economic stability. These gestures serve not just as gifts,  but as declarations of intention and readiness.

Marriages in the Chakma context are less impulsive acts and more the result of thoughtful,  often prolonged, engagement between families. Elders’ approval is crucial, as these unions are  as much about merging lineages and securing alliances as they are about emotional bonds.

Ultimately, the aspiration is for the couple to thrive together and bring blessings upon their  descendants—preserving the vitality of Chakma identity through generations.

The Jadan ceremony marks a high point in the marriage process, a communal gathering that  engages all the senses. Food like cooked rice and boiled eggs are shared, while the Sābāthālā leads the rituals, ensuring adherence to tradition. Yet, complications can arise. If a prior  relationship—referred to as Garja Kālum—casts a shadow, the families enter a delicate phase  of negotiation to preserve honor while acknowledging past ties. Reconciliation might involve  discussions, offerings, or other acts of appeasement.

The act of gift-giving, the exchange of betel leaves and rings, becomes a binding gesture,  reaffirming social and familial order. The process continues through the Tin Pur ritual, where  finer logistical details are resolved: the bride price, feast arrangements, and ceremonial  schedule. These negotiations, while practical, reinforce the mutual respect and responsibility  between the families.

The wedding day itself is a grand occasion. The groom's procession is a festive and vibrant  celebration of community and tradition, a moving display of unity. And yet, underlying even  the joy of such processions, is the awareness of practices like Dhari Nejana—abduction-based  marriages—that still cast a moral and legal shadow. The Chakma response to such actions is  firm: justice is pursued through traditional frameworks, such as Lāja Bhār and Khadi Puran,  which impose penalties and reinforce community norms.

The adjudication process, often led by the Sābāthālā, reflects the community’s preference for  resolving disputes internally. Rather than punishment alone, the goal is harmony—restoring  balance while reaffirming cultural values.

Symbolic gestures play an important role throughout. One such gesture is the bride's father  sending wine to the groom's house—an act of peace and goodwill. The groom’s response, a  return visit laden with rice and wine (Dwi Pur), further solidifies the relationship. These rituals,  rich in poetic meaning, convey not only intention but also interconnectedness.

As the groom enters the bride’s home, the bride salutes her elders, acknowledging their  authority and the continuity of lineage she now joins. The final stages of the ceremony are full  of omens, gifts, and careful observations, all reflecting the Chakma belief in spiritual harmony.

The celebration culminates in a feast—a community-wide event with the couple at its centre,  adorned and honoured. The Sigull ritual, symbolically weighing a child, reinforces the deeper  purpose of marriage: to nurture new life and ensure the survival of the family line.

Throughout, the presence of elders, especially the Sābāthālā, ensures the sanctity and  continuity of tradition. For the Chakma, marriage is not merely a union of two individuals, but  a reaffirmation of a living tradition —a evolving yet rooted expression of social, spiritual, and  familial interconnectedness.

Economy and Profession:

Their traditional occupation is forest-based agriculture, specifically “jhum” cultivation (also  known as shifting cultivation). Besides, fishing, hunting, basket-making, etc., are their  conventional sources of livelihood. The primary occupation of the Chakma is Jhum (slash-and burn) cultivation. The Chakma live near fertile jungle areas on the banks of rivers or streams,  and during December and January, they select sites for Jhumming. In choosing a jhum site,  they go to the jungle with their neighbours. They usually try to choose an Agap (virgin) jungle  or a plot where Jhum cultivation was done at least four or five years ago. First, they roam the  whole possible jungle. They also carefully look for the sign of Chhatrich Mokham thirty six  Moghams, the ill-fated/haunted places, like Gat (tunnel), Saruk Bach (twisted bamboo), Haza  (salt forming stream), Biatra Bhidhya (a roundshaped small hillock), Nei/chumo Gat (a tunnel),  Aftinishyora Aruk (hillock (human skeleton figure), Aung Gach (trees whose position is  parrallel three by three), Nah Tana (a small lengthy field), Nago Khat, Kamar DogGn, Badol  Khat, Divo Dhulhon, Rijhyang, etc., which presence is always regarded as bad and believed to  be abode of evil spirits and harmful, unless the spirits has been driven away or the power  extinguished. If all these signs are absent, the land is found fertile. They will divide it and put  sign called Saga/Dhachsya Lagara (a small portion of the jungle is cleared, say five square feet  and at the centre a small tree or a bamboo pole is kept whose top is crossed with two chips and  above the cross a lump of soil is kept) at a visible place. When seeking such a sign, others will  understand that this place is owned and that no one else has the right to use it without  permission. If anyone dares to do so, he is fined. Some even perform other rites to determine  whether the jungle he has selected for jhum is suitable for him or not. He may enter some rice  grain in a bamboo pole with the prayer to Bajham Pudi (the earth) that the grain should remain intact if it is suitable for him, and if any grain is missing, it is bad for him, and he will look at  the rice the next day. Some people, after selecting a jhum site, go to the river and, after taking  a bath, offer lamps and flowers to the river goddess in the hope of receiving a dream hint. He  will also go to the temple and offer lamps. If any temple is not nearby, he will offer it at his  Shong Ghar (a small temple constructed at the front side of a house) or at his home (if a Shong  Ghar is not available) with the prayer to Gojhen (the Almighty) to communicate his good and  evil in a dream. If everything goes well, then he will go to Jhum Kaba (clear the jungle for  jhum) and observe Jatra and Bajan (good and bad days for travel and the flow of breath in the  hasal).

A Chakma starts his life in a cradle (dhulon) of a bamboo and ends in a coffin (radha-ghar) of  bamboo. The bamboo plays a vital role in the entire livelihood of a Chakma. He builds his hut  with the bamboo, uses bamboo utensils and equipment, worships the symbolised folk duties  made of bamboo, burns dried bamboo as fuel, uses bamboo torches and eats bamboo pickles  as his favourite foods. Bamboo is the most inevitable object in his life, and his daily life cannot be thought of without bamboo. Although the bamboo meets the various needs of Chakma folk  life, it also helps them express their artistic craftsmanship by creating a wide range of items,  such as baskets and other implements. In this regard, it is worth mentioning that the art of  basketry, to which the Chakmas are remarkably expert, is a task reserved exclusively for males.  The women - folk keep them quite abstain from this task due to traditional taboos. It is also an  essential fact that there are no professional basket makers or traditional artisans among them;  however, almost all physically able persons in society have produced baskets for their domestic  requirements. Pannalal Mazumdar, in his book The Chakmas of Tripura writes that the  Chakmas also produce salts for their consumption in their daily life. They extract the salt from  the water source of the river, where they install a traditional, wood-and-bamboo-made indigenous machine for manufacturing the salt. It is worth mentioning that some tribes in the  North-Eastern Region also manufacture salt for themselves using their own method, which  resembles the process of the Chakmas.

We know that Chakma men and women are fond of chewing betel nut and betel leaf, both of  which contain lime as an essential ingredient. They see the process of lime manufacturing.  Lime is mainly derived from lime stone through a process. This type of lime is known as mineral lime. They use another sort of lime, getting from the shells of snails and cockles by  way of some indigenous process, and this kind of lime is called SIBIDI or shell-lime. They  have used lime from ancient times for constructing brick-built houses. Lime is used for making cement. They also use it to melt iron for making weapons and household articles. They use  lime as medicine. Lime is also used for dyeing purposes. The Chakmas are also efficient at  making boats from wood. This shows another remarkable skill of theirs. Many kinds of boats  are made. Among the various types of boats, congdanaw, goiranaw, dinginaw, baganaw are the  main.

Food and Drinks:

The staple food of the Chakma is rice, which is grown in their jhum and nowadays in the plain  fields called Bhui (wet rice cultivation). In addition to Dhan (paddy). They also produce other  grains, such as Keich Piji (a wheat-like grain). Koun (millet), Jedenha (barley) and Mokkya  (maize). They also use a jungle potato called Alu, Kuju (taro), and Bhachsuri (bamboo shoots)  as a substitute for rice during times of food scarcity. They take meat, fish, vegetables, fruits and  some worms and insects. They do not eat cow, monkey, dog, Crow, vulture, tiger, etc. Chuma gudiya is a Chakma dish vividly described by Pannalal Mazumdar, which consists of  vegetables, green onions, fish, salt, turmeric, and other ingredients like Aro, all of which are  then stuffed into a bamboo piece measuring twelve to sixteen inches. Then there is Sidol - The  Chakmas are very fond of Sidol, which is a preparation of fish with a pungent smell. The  Burmese popularly call it NGAPI. Egg cuisine made of rotten eggs is very popular among the  Chakmas.

LIQUOR - The Chakmas are very fond of liquor. In almost every family, the preparation of  liquor thrives like a cottage industry. Typically, they produce two varieties of liquor. One  variety is powerful, while the other is mild and has a sweet scent. The substantial array is called  DWA CHUNI. It burns if it is taken undiluted. The mild one is called JOGARA. The Chakmas  serve liquor freely in all major festivals.

Dress and Ornaments:

Chakmas are great weavers. The Chakma men usually wear a “dhoti” and the Chakma women  wear a “pinan-khadi” and an “alam,” a type of colourful stole. The menfolk love to wear a  white-turban.

Literature and Folklore:

The Chakmas have their own written literature and folklore. It may be divided into oral and  written. Among the oral literature, we find the Geingkhulee ballads. Palhas (Traditional stories)  Ubho geet, the traditional love songs. Pachjhan, the fairy tales, Rhymes, Olee. the lullabies,  Banha, the riddles, Dagha Kadha, the proverbs. Thenga Bhangageet, the folk song, Khojha  Gudu, etc. In the written form, there are the Agar Taras (the written scripture), Talliks (medical  formulas), Mandars (magical chants), Pujo Bijaks (methods of a Puja), Kobida (Poems), Barha  Mhach (composition on unsuccessful love stories), Lamhas (hymns), Jabin Parichay  (description of vital points of a body), Mogham Parichay (description of haunted places), Nari  Kalpa (description of pulses and nerves), Phughiri Kalam (the art of medition and yoga), Sinan  (mantras for chanting water for bath), Ang, Dhamasik, Tabit, etc.

The Chakma tribe, a vibrant tapestry of culture, stands resilient in the face of change. Their  language, Changma Bhaj, echoes tales of their journey, while their society, rooted in ancient  customs, fosters deep communal bonds. Buddhism illuminates their spiritual path, guiding their  lives and celebrations.

From the intricate dance of their marriage rituals to the flavours of their traditional cuisine,  every facet of Chakma life speaks of a profound connection to their land and heritage. Although  historically tied to jhum cultivation, their spirit of adaptability sees them embracing new  horizons, while their rich literature —a treasure trove of stories and songs —ensures their past  continues to inspire their future. The Chakma people, with their enduring traditions and  evolving spirit, are a testament to the power of identity in a world constantly in motion.