Language:

The Lalung is a member of the famous Bodo group of languages and forms a link between the Bodo and the Kachari, spoken in the submontane tracts of the Kamrup and Darrang districts, and the Dimasa, spoken in the N. C Hills district. The majority of the Lalungs living in the plains of Assam, particularly the younger section, cannot speak their language. For education as well as for the day-to-day exchange of thoughts, they use the Assamese language. The Lalungs residing in the hilly regions, however, are maintaining their language intact. Dr Grierson, in his Linguistic Survey of India (1903), mentioned about 40,000 Lalung speakers in 1891. But the figure came down to 10,576 according to the 1961 Census (Census of India 1961, Vol. I), and to 9,954 in 1971. The assimilation of the Lalungs into the broader Assamese life and culture is the primary cause of this downward trend. Besides luring these decades, a large number of Lalungs were converted into Koch (Saru Koch). Except for Reverend M. Balwan's work, which was written in Roman script, no Lalung grammar written in Assamese script has yet been published. No effort has been made to study the language systematically. Shri Mahiram Bordoloi, a Lalung gentleman, is preparing a Tiwa Grammar in Assamese script, which will go a long way in fulfilling the long-felt need of the Lalungs.

Social Structure/Society and Lifestyles:

The Lalungs are divided into several exogamous clans (Wali' or 'Kul'), namely Macharang. Mächereng, Magor, Madur, Lădur, Puru, Sagara, Maloi, Fangsong, Pumã, Dafoi, Mithi, Lamfoi, Sukai, Khoroi, Ãagãră, Chanchārä, Käsă, Cholong, Muni, Melāng, Käkhor, Dārfong, Färpäng, Dämlong, Änsong, Amchi, khalar und Loron. Originally, they had only twelve clans, but later on these main clans were subdivided into several subclans called 'Dhan Bangah'. They have a 'Kauta' system of social grouping, which can also be called an extension of a family. Following the genealogy, each family of a certain clan forms a social grouping called 'Bangsha' or 'Khutä'. A 'Khel' (clan): consists of several. such 'Khutas'. Generally, a single Khutä does not form a 'Khel. In a single village, there may be one or more clans. It may be noted that no family in a village can thrive without affiliating itself to a 'Khuta’. Whether solemnising a marriage ceremony or observing a Karam, the Khuta plays an important role in the family. A Lalung 'khel' selects a 'Giyati’ (priest) to preside over the socio-religious occasions like 'Karam' and allied ceremonies. The 'Zela' (an expert in the tribal folklore and religion) plays a major role in a Lalung village, and he must be selected by a 'Khel’. It may be noted that the ‘Giyati' and 'Zela' must not belong to the 'Khuta' in which the ceremonies are observed. They also maintain a clan superiority. Thus, Bhuni, 'Na Bhuni’, 'Sat Bhuni divisions are noticed in the society. Inter Bhuni' marriages are allowed. The kinship terminology prevalent among the Lalungs, particularly of the plains, may be termed descriptive. But the use of certain classificatory kinship terminology cannot be overlooked. Thus, 'Magară Ayung' is used to address both the father's elder sister and the mother's elder sister. Similarly, 'Ma-Aa-Ayung' denotes the father's elder brother and the mother's elder sister's husband. So also 'Àsi'I is used for a mother's younger sister as well as for a younger brother's wife. It was observed that Lalung terms of reference are more in number than the terms of address. The villagers do not confine their kinship terms ;to actual kin members, they are extended to outsiders as well, who may not belong to the community. Sometimes, Assamese equivalents are used to make the terminology more effective. Their kinship system gives extensive recognition to age, what Lowie calls the Bifurcate Collateral system. Elder siblings are terminologically differentiated from younger siblings. People of older generations are always addressed with distinct kin terms, while personal names are used for younger ones. Sex differentiation is also maintained. Different terms are used to denote kin of different sexes who are related in the same way. The Lalung society is stratified, and a village has different office-bearers with distinct socio-religious assignments. But except in socio-religious occasions, the structural difference is hardly noticed. Among the Lalungs, a single village does not form the lowest administrative unit. The lowest administrative unit is a 'Buni constituting more than one village. For the smooth running of the Bunis. There are different office earners, namely 'Lorok, Forongäi, Chāngmaji, Karaimaji, Deori, Hätäri and Rändhani.' The social organisation of the Lalungs is split into two categories. The first category may be called a secular village organisation, which is headed by the Gaonbura and assisted by an official called 'Barika'. To run the affairs of a Samadi, there are four categories of officers, namely "Chängdoloi', "Chāngmaji', 'Huruma', and "Khurāmul". There may be two people in each of the latter two categories. The non-secular organisation or religious organisation is run by the three office bearers, namely “Ghar Bura", Zela and "Häri Kunwari.” Besides, there is a Deori to preside over the worship at "Thãn.”

Religious Beliefs, Festivals and Customs:

The spiritual landscape of the Lalung community, who predominantly identify as the Tiwa, represents one of the most intricate socio-religious tapestries in the North Eastern frontier of India. Rooted in a complex migration history that stretches from the Tibetan plateau to the alluvial plains of the Brahmaputra and Kapili rivers, the Tiwa people have maintained a distinct religious identity that functions as a bridge between ancient Tibeto-Burman animism and the Hindu traditions of Middle Assam. To understand the Lalung religious framework is to observe a society where the sacred is not a separate domain but is inextricably woven into the fabric of agriculture, clan lineage, and traditional governance. At the zenith of the Tiwa pantheon resides Lord Mahadeo, addressed with the profound honorifics 'Fa Mahadeo' or 'Manus Mahadeo'.

While the name bears an obvious resemblance to the Hindu deity Shiva, the Lalung conception of Mahadeo is characteristically indigenous, portraying him as a primordial progenitor rather than a purely Vedic ascetic. The cosmogony of the Tiwa is intimately linked to the physical essence of Mahadeo. One central myth holds that the first five human beings were created from five drops of saliva that fell from the Lord's mouth at the sacred Lake Manasarovar. This biological-spiritual link establishes a direct lineage between the creator and the created, a theme that is reinforced in clan-specific legends. For instance, the 'Maloiāli' clan traces its descent to a human infant born of a fish that had swallowed the divine semen of Mahadeo. Such narratives serve to sanctify the natural world—water, fish, and saliva—elevating mundane biological processes to the level of divine intervention. The physical manifestation of this devotion is most prominent at the Basundhari Than, located on a hillock in the western reaches of Borpani. This site is regarded as the ancestral sanctuary of Mahadeo, where the Lalungs have conducted worship since 'time immemorial'. The persistence of the Basundhari Than as a site of pilgrimage and ritual serves as a geographical anchor for Tiwa identity, particularly for the descendants of the traditional Lalung Kings (Rajas), who continue to preserve wooden and stone images of their deities alongside the royal regalia used in religious contexts. This preservation of icons suggests a sophisticated religious material culture that predates the iconoclastic influences of certain later Hindu movements. Kailash is considered a holy place for the Lalungs. The nuclear unit of Tiwa religious life is the 'Bangsha' or 'Khuta' (lineage), which aggregates into the 'Khel'—the primary social grouping for religious ceremonies. Central to the spiritual life of the Bangsha is the 'Barghar' (The Great House). More than a mere physical structure, the Barghar is a sanctified space where the 'Ghar Deota' (Clan Lord) is believed to reside. The sanctity of the Barghar is such that families must observe strict taboos to avoid offending the indwelling spirit. For example, the consumption of glutinous rice before the performance of the 'Ghar Deota Puja' is strictly forbidden; any violation is believed to result in debilitating illness among family members. The management of the Barghar and its associated rituals falls to the 'Gharbura' (the elder of the house) and the 'Hari Kunwari', a female priestess (ideally an unmarried woman). This inclusion of a female ritual head, known as 'Hari', underscores a significant gender-inclusive aspect of traditional Tiwa religion, even in a society that may otherwise follow patrilineal norms in the plains. During the 'Dhanar Muthi Lowa'—a sowing festival—the Gharbura performs sacrifices at the 'Thuna Khuta' (the main post of the Barghar), offering prayers for the success of the agricultural season.

They worship many deities, and Borghar, ' Thänghar', and 'Nämghar' are the places of worship. Every 'Khuta' or 'Bangsha' has a 'Borghar'. The Borghar has two altars, one for the main deity and the other for ancestors. Near the altars, 'Rongdoswari' and 'Maidoswori' are placed. 'Rongdo' means rice, and Maido' means paddy. Every year, newly harvested rice is kept in a pot near the altar, and that is called 'Rongdoswori". Similarly, newly harvested paddies are kept in a pot near the altar, and that is called •Maidoswori. As mentioned. carlicr, the place of worship for each. Bangsha' is called ‹Barghar'. Generally, it is constructed in a central place in a village. Near the main post towards the east, there is the post of _god ('Mindaine Thunã). An altar is made in front of this, 'Thunã', where one auspicious arrow (Zelã) and one sacrificial dao ( Langkhur') are placed. The Zelā is considered a very sacred object, which is prepared locally. There are customary rules in respect of the preparation and formal installation of the 'Zela' in the 'Borghar'. The villagers of Kamarkuchi are entrusted with preparing 'Zelã' and other iron articles for the entire community. Hans' (public worship place) is established for each village or a group of villages. Again, the villagers of a particular area may affiliate themselves with Thans of different areas. Thus, the Lalungs of Barapujia near Raha were the worshippers of twelve "Thans". Hence, they are known as Bara' (Twelve) Pujia. A Than' is a big hall erected generally in an out-of-the-way place near the forest. Public worships are performed in these Thãns" occasionally, where the Deori presides over. There may be separate Thans", for different gods and goddesses. Thus, "Thans' are found in the names of Mahadeo', Kesaikhati, Bhagawati, "Sani", Sani, Mathakur, etc. Formerly, Jangkang (the god of agriculture was also worshipped in the Thans. But nowadays this puja is not performed in all the Lalung villages. Sacrifices formed an essential part of the puja. Thus a tortoise was sacrificed before the goddess Kalika, a buffalo or a black goat before Kesaikhaiti, a duck ‘Jaleswar' a white fowl for Kuber" and a pair of pigeons for Bhagawati: Today considerable changes have taken place in the mode of Than worship. Sacrifices are rarely resorted to. "Mah' Prasad' (mug, gram, banana ete) is offered as "Naibedya 'before the gods and goddesses, particularly Ganesh and Lakshimi. This is happening due to the influence of the Mahapurushia Vaisnav religion which is gaining some ground among a certain section of the Talunos. The converted Lalungs do not maintain a Borchar, nor do they take rice beer or pork. They observe the Caste Hindu religious ceremonies in their Namghars. In short, many of their pujas have been abandoned. Instead of worshipping Maldaka and Sanidaka through sacrifices, the Lalungs prefer to propitiate these deities by reading 'Sanisarit' in the ‘Namghar'. In the Lalung traditional belief system, the institution of

Namghar occupies an important place in the religious system of the present-day Lalungs. The shift towards Vaisnavism may be due to the expensive and perhaps irksome procedures of traditional worship. The educated sections, by and large, do not play active roles in the traditional worship. Thus, today, there are two broad religious divisions among the Lalungs: the traditionalists and the Vaisnavites. The latter section has organised itself under the All Nagaon District Tribal Sarania Sangha. Some of the Saranias are propagating Bhagawatia's

system of worship under the guidance of an All Assam Vaisnava Organisation. They do not adhere to 'Hom Jagnya', and a Brahmin priest is not employed in their religious ceremonies. They are also known as Năm Kirtania or 'Haridhwania'. It may be noted that despite the three broad religious divisions, a non-Lalung visiting the Lalung villages will hardly be able to locate any rift in their day-to-day life. A Bangsha observes the following public worship in a year. He performs the Deo Sewa, Kalika Puja, Bhakat Sewa, Ali Bhagawati, Than worship, Jangkang Puja, Sani Puja, Hogora Puja, etc.

One of the most profound institutions of the Tiwa is the 'Samadi', a traditional bachelor's dormitory that serves as the nerve centre for the transmission of religious knowledge. The term 'Samadi' reflects the joyous nature of this youth institution, with 'Sa' meaning 'boys' and 'Madi' meaning 'enjoyment'. However, its role is far from purely recreational. The Samadi is a highly regulated space where young men learn the intricate dances, songs, and sacrificial procedures required for communal festivals like the Sogra Phuja. The Wansuwa (or Wanchuwa) festival is the pre-eminent post-harvest celebration of the Tiwa, particularly observed with great vigour by the Amkhawali clan at intervals of five to six years. Lasting from Tuesday to Thursday, the festival is a vibrant expression of gratitude to nature. The central ritual takes place on Wednesday at the residence of the 'Shangdoloi', where wooden mortars ('Sham') are partially buried in the ground in a circle. The Jonbeel Mela, held annually in January during the Magh Bihu season, represents a unique convergence of religion, economics, and diplomacy. Organised under the authority of the 'Gobha Deoraja' (the traditional King of the Tiwa), the mela is famous for preserving the ancient barter system. However, the 'mela' is fundamentally a religious event aimed at maintaining 'amity and peace' between the hill and plains communities.

Marriages:

Among the Lalungs marriage is the accepted from of union between a man and a woman. Illegal unions especially incestuous relations are very much hated and in no circum- stances social recognition is given to such unions. Marriages are solemnised after the attainment of puberty. Boys usually marry between the ages of 20 to 25 and girds between 16 to 22. Clan exogamy is strictly adhered to. Monogamy is the socially and legally recognised type of marriage although cases of polygyny cannot be ruled out. Preferential marriage including cross cousin marriage are not in vogue. Whenever any illegal union is discussed the villagers immediately refer to the "Momãi Bhagin Sila” lying close to each other on the bank of the China river near the Basundhari Than'. They remind the people about the accursed Sola Sing and his niece who entered into illegal sexual relation. The villagers of Sahari compelled the couple to leave the village. The couple came to Basundhari Thãn' but the goddess Basundhari also cursed them to remain as stones for their sin. Levirate is not practised while sorrorate is popular. There is no bar for a widow to enter into marriage if she gets a widower. Cases of divorce between husband and wife are few and far between.

Broadly the Lalungs have four forms of marriage.

They are:-

(1) 'Borbiya'

(2) "Gobhia Rakhã'

(3) 'Joron Biya'

(4) Paluãi Anã'

Daily Life in Village:

The Lalungs have got an action-packed routine of work. During the agricultural season, none, with the exception of very old persons, invalids, and children, remain idle in their houses. All men leave bed before sunrise and start for the fields after finishing the morning work. Ploughing the fields till midday (around 10 or 11 a.m.), they release the bullocks and return

home. After taking a bath, they have meals, and for the rest of the day, they engage in other agricultural work. Very few persons g o to the fields. The women also leave their beds before sunrise. They clean their faces and serve the members of the household with tea or rice beer (nowadays, rice beer is rarely taken as a substitute for tea). Meals are cooked before noon. Children and School-going boys and girls take their shares earlier, and the women wait for their men to return from the fields. In the meantime, they do other household activities. Sometimes, particularly during the summer, they bathe early in the morning, but generally they do so after finishing their morning duties. The women take meals only after serving the menfolk. After taking meals, they clean the utensils and bring water for the evening meal. Now they have some leisure which they utilise by weaving clothes. Sometimes they engage themselves in dehusking paddies and collecting firewood, roots and creepers from the forest. On weekly market dayse, the menfolk go to the weekly market for purchasing the weekly requirements like gur, kerosine oil, salt, yarn, cheaper varieties of dress materials, etc. Some people carry the local products such as bananas, pumpkin, arecanut, coconut, fowls and pigeons to the market. Very few women visit the weekly hats. In the evening, the women in each family prepare the evening meals and serve them to the family members. Previously they cooked meals in the afternoon and the members of a family took their night meals before dusk. This was done in order to save kerosene oil. But today, except for the very poor, most Lalungs have their evening meals after sunset. Sometimes, finishing their supper,some elderly neighbours gather in an old man's house for some discussions. Such discussions often continue till the depth of the night. The discussions are generally held in winter, when people have no work in the fields and can spare much time at night. During the harvesting season, both men and women go to the fields after finishing their morning meals. The women start earlier than the men. The little children are kept in the house under the supervision of the old men and women. Reaping is done by the womenfolk, and males carry the bundles of paddy to their houses. Threshing is done by the males. After the completion of the harvesting operation and allied activities like threshing and

storing, the people feel great relief. Now they have enough leisure at their disposal. It is the time for holding most of their socio-religious ceremonies. Some people visit their distant relatives, while others remain busy repairing their houses or carrying cow dung to the fields. Marriages are contracted and solemnised during this off-season period. Children under the age of 5 stay with their grandfather or grandmother while their parents go to the fields. Children aged 5 to 10 look after their younger brothers and sisters until they go to school. On Sundays and holidays, they play with their younger brothers and sisters. Sometimes they read their lessons in the morning, and then the grandparents look after the small children. During the ploughing and transplanting season, i.e., June to August, children carry the tiffin and tea for their fathers or brothers who are working in the fields since dawn. There are not many activities in the daily life of the elderly people above the age of 60. Besides taking care of children under 5, they do some minor work like repairing a basket, slicing cane, cutting firewood that is stacked in the courtyard, or scaring away birds from the paddies, which are kept in the sun to dry. At noon, they bathe and, after finishing lunch, rest until the afternoon. In the afternoon they visit their neighbour's house and spend the time in gossiping. The old women do not go to the fields. In the morning, after taking a light tiffin, they do some minor work in the kitchen garden. Sometimes they weave clothes, and at other times go to the forests to collect firewood, creepers, etc. Generally, they stay at home for the remainder of the day, helping their daughter in-law prepare meals or make necessary arrangements for evening meals. There are no specific routine activities for the religious heads or office bearers. Their daily routine does not vary from that of other villagers. Marketing facilities are available in the local hats. These hats are connected to the P.W.D. roads, and thus, traders from nearby towns visit them. Those who grow paddy and other crops in larger quantities sell their produce to non-Lalung middlemen within the village itself, although the villagers know that the lion's share of the profits goes to these traders. Small growers carry their produce either on their shoulders or on bicycles to the market. There are village shops in almost all the Lalung villages. Articles of day-to-day use, such as kerosene oil, salt, matchboxes, soap, bidis, gur, cheaper variety cigarettes, slate pencils, lead pencils, etc., are kept in these shops. Besides, the Gaon Panchayat Samabai Samities serve the villages with controlled cloth and levy sugar, salt, etc., at subsidised rates. Generally, these shops are owned by the local Lalung villagers. Almost every Lalung village has an L.P. School, where the medium of education is Assamese. Students aspiring to a high school education have to go to the nearest H.E. Schools, which are within easy reach of the villagers. Colleges are established at district or sub-divisional headquarters, and willing students have to read in these institutions by staying in hostels or in messes.

Food and Drinks:

Rice is the staple food of the Lalungs. Their two major meals consist of rice and vegetables. Meat, fish and eggs are included in their menu. Dal is rarely taken. Fowl and pork are their delicacies. Guests are entertained with chicken or duck's flesh. As pork and chicken are essential items in their socio-religious ceremonies, pigs and fowls are reared by almost all the Lalungs. Milk is not considered a food item. This is because milk and rice beer ('Zu') do not go together. The Lalungs take locally brewed rice beer in their day-to-day life. But of late, the rice beer habit is fast disappearing among the plains Lalungs mainly due to economic reasons. But rice beer is an essential item in certain religious ceremonies. The educated section of the Lalungs discourages rice beer consumption and prefers tea. Nowadays, guests are not entertained with Zu; rather, betel leaves and nuts, and a cup of tea, are the first items of reception for casual guests. Previously, at least till the fifties of this century, a visitor to a Lalung village had to taste Zu (rice beer), as refusing Zu was considered disrespectful to the host and the community. Along with rice, boiled vegetables are taken. But Lalungs are not very keen to produce vegetables of various kinds. They use a variety of articles for preparation, consumption and storing of food. Big earthen pots are used for carrying and storing water. Earthen pots are also used for the preparation of Zu. Bell-metal utensils are used for taking meals and Zu'. The food habits of the converted Lalungs are different in the sense that they do not take Zu' and 'pork'. The hill Lalungs have their own delicacies. ‘Kharisa' (a mixture prepared out of bamboo shoots) and dried fish are the favourite items of food. They use 'Kharisa' in all kinds of preparations. Zu is freely taken by them. The older generation cooked food in bamboo pipes, and they relished such food most.

Dress and Ornaments:

The plains Lalung women wear dresses similar to those worn by other rural Assamese women. The typical dress consists of one 'Mekhela', one 'chadar' and one 'Riha'. In various festive occasions, they wear Singkhap Mekhelã, Riha, Sondia Kapor, Thenus (Chadar), Seleng, Sakathia, and Farke (blouse). It may be noted that Lalung women are expert weavers, and they weave all the clothes for both men and women. They also weave Mankapor and Borkapor for special occasions. In festive occasions, the ladies wear Thongali" (a waist band) while doing their day-to-day activities. The Lalung women do not wear the Mekhelã on the waist; rather, it is worn at the breast, extending a few inches below the knees. It serves two purposes. There is no need to wear a blouse to cover the breasts, and at the same time, the body is also covered. The school-going girls and young women, however, wear blouses. The elderly women wear blouses when they visit distant places. The Riha is not commonly used, whereas the chadar is worn by grown-up girls and young women. The educated womenfolk of today like to wear modern dress items like petticoats, brassieres, etc. Bazar-made frocks, ribbons, hair clips, and cosmetics are also used by young girls. There are two sets of dresses, namely general dress for everyday use and special dress for particular occasions. The dresses of the menfolk are similar to those of other rural Assamese menfolk. In the past, dhotis woven by womenfolk were the primary garments. Nowadays, only elderly men wear dhotis. "Nimãi Sola' and Thagla' were

the shirts for the menfolk, but today these are not in vogue among the plains Lalungs. The young men and boys wear trousers, bush shirts, ganjies, etc. The dresses of the hill Lalungs, however, are different from those of their plains counterpart. A hill Lalung puts on a narrow strip of cloth called Lengti, about half a cubit in breadth and about six or seven feet in length. Some embroidery works are done with red threads about three inches in breadth, on both ends of the Tangali. The men of status keep both ends of the Tangali longer. Tangalis are woven by their womenfolk on their looms. It may be noted that wearing of •Lengti' does not indicate the economic status of the wearer. Lengti' is worn as a piece of traditional dress. The male Lalungs wear locally made shirts. At the bottom of the shirt, there are specially designed threads called Dahi. The elderly Lalungs wear turbans. Their womenfolk wear a Mekhela over the breasts, which extends a few inches below the knees. A chadar is also used over the body. For their warm clothing, people depend on market products such as coats, sweaters, scarves, and shawls.

Formerly, Khania kapor' Bor Kapor' were worn in lieu of warm clothes, but nowadays such clothes are very rare. In their daily lives, the office bearers do not wear any special dress. The

Rajas have traditional dresses that they wear on specific occasions. The dress of the Raja' constitutes a Mugadhoti", a Muga Sola' (shirt), one Muga Phäguri (turban), one cotton 'chädar", one silver necklace, two "Gamkharu' (bracelets) and two ear rings ("siha”). Besides these, the Raja's dress during festivals includes two Längkoi (swords), one Aaron, one Bisani, one Rupar Patra, one Thona, and one Nisan. It was reported that in the past the headman, officers of the Raja, and the Raja himself used to wear gold car-rings. A turban was a part of the dress for the Raja and the officers. On special occasions like the annual festival, they wore silk and muga dresses.