What names are these people recognised in such a vast part of their habitations?

In the Brahmaputra Valley proper, these people call themselves Bodos or Boros; in the Goalpara district of Assam and the Jalpaiguri district of North Bengal, they are called ‘Mech’ by their neighbours, as they initially settled near the banks of river Mech. In contrast, those living in and around eastern Kamrup are called ‘Kacharis’. The meaning of the word ‘Kachar’ is low land or borderland and originated from the Sanskrit ‘Katsavata-Kachada-Kachar’.

What languages do they use?

The Boro or Bodo language belongs to the Barish branch of the Baric division within the Sino-Tibetan family. According to the classification by Robert Schafer, the Linguistic Survey of India categorises the Boro or Boro-Kacharis as part of the Bodo (Boro) sub-section within the Assam-Burma group of the Tibeto-Burman branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family. Historically, the Boro language is said to lack an inherited script. However, Bishnu Prasad Rabha, a renowned artist from Assam, mentioned the ancient existence of Deodhai scripts among the Kacharis (Boros and Dimasas).

Today, the Boro people showcase their linguistic adaptability by using the Assamese and Roman alphabets, with modifications to suit their needs. Boro Christians typically write in Roman script, while most other Boros use a modified Assamese script. It's worth noting that a faction supports using the Devanagari script, demonstrating their flexibility and openness to different writing systems.

Since 1963, the Boro language has been the cornerstone of education in Boro-dominated primary schools in the Kokrajhar Subdivision of the erstwhile Goalpara district. This policy, a testament to the community's commitment to preserving their language, has been extended to include higher education at the university level throughout Assam, underscoring its importance and significance in the community.

Social Structure/Family Life of the Bodo Tribe:

The Bodos follow a patriarchal family pattern in their family or domestic life. The senior male member is the head of the family and owner of all family property. Nevertheless, female family members are not kept under the suppression and excessive male domination for which South Asia is known. P.C. Bhattacharya describes the Bodo social structure as ‘primarily patriarchal with a few elements of matriarchal characteristics. Seven decades earlier, Endle provided a detailed comparative description of the Bodos: Among the Kacharis [Bodos], women do not perhaps hold quite the same influential position as their counterparts [among the Khasis] in the Khasi Hills, where a matriarchal system prevails in social and domestic life. However, within the Bodo community, the roles of wife and mother are far from degraded. Bodo husbands treat their wives with respect, considering them equals and companions. As matrons, Bodo women enjoy a considerable degree of freedom. Bodo social life is tightly knit and well-organized, with members adhering to strict rules and regulations. Family-based groups (mahari or clans) have specific occupations, and community activities such as teamwork, fishing, and collective celebrations are still daily. A council-based social governance system was prevalent among the Bodos until recently; Halfdan Siiger reports that his informants provided insights into the traditional Bodo society, where a democratic council led by the village headman allowed every member a voice. The gamini brai (older man of the village) played a central role in social organisations, leading discussions and making decisions on disputes and community matters. There is no evidence of traditional educational or economic institutions; instead, the age-old social institutions (aphats) organised activities now managed by modern educational and financial entities. This transformation began with the socio-religious reforms Bodo reformer Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma initiated. Today, libraries, socio-cultural associations, and clubs have emerged in remote areas, indicating a social transition reflected in other aspects of Bodo life. The rise of weekly and daily markets, shops, and financial agencies signifies growing consciousness and political awareness. Since the 1960s, the Bodos have launched ongoing movements to assert their distinct socio-ethnic, cultural, and political identity.

The Bodos have several popular theories about creating social groups inside their clans. Initially, the Bodos lived in an undisciplined and non-systematic state of things. The atmosphere was filled with undesirable activities hampering the sacrosanct traditional values of the Bodos. People realised the necessity of creating groups for specific work or duties to preserve traditional values and social customs. A great convention was convened for all Boro people to solve this detrimental problem in the Boro society. This convention was attended by the first human being, according to them, Monsing Sing Borai. He came down from heaven with the help of a golden ladder, presided over the meeting, and helped the Boros solve the problems raging in their society. It is often believed that this convention went on for 12 years, and several social groups or ‘ari’ were created out of this convention. These groups are made based on specific work or duties. The ‘aris’ also seems to signify some kinship. The main social groups or ‘aris’ are Swargiari, Basumatari, Narzari, Musari, Gayari, Owari, Khakhlari, Daimari, Lahari, Hajoari, Kherkatari, Sibingari, Sabairari, Bingiari, Mahilari, Mao Marari, Ramsiari, Sangphramari, Phadengari, Isalry, Ganjleari, etc.

What are their religious beliefs and traditional practices/festivals?

Bathouism is the traditional religion of the Bodos. “Bathou” in the Bodo dialect means the five principles. In the Bodo dialect, “Ba” means five, and “Thou” means deep. The five principles

are Bar (air), San (sun), Ha (earth), Dwi (water) and Okhrang (sky or universe). The chief deity, called “Bathoubwrai or Bwrai Bathou” (Bwrai means Elder), omnipresent, omnipotent, and omniscient, is said to have created the five principles.

The festivals and ceremonies of the Boros can be classified as religious, seasonal, and agricultural. However, religious and seasonal festivals are linked with agriculture because the Boros are primarily an agrarian class. Kherai Puja is believed to be the most significant religious festival of the Boros. They perform this puja on a few specific occasions. The Kherai Puja has four kinds: 1) Darshan Kherai, 2) Umrao Kherai, 3) the Phalo Kherai, and 4) the Nowaoni Kherai. The Boros, interestingly, have no temples or fixed shrines of worship. They select any suitable place for the ritual procedures. The worshippers prepare an altar. The altar is made of a long shape and is divided into three parts. Generally, the grazing field is selected for making the altar. In the first part of the altar, a piece of cloth is hung above the ground. It indicates the formless ‘Nirakar’ existence of the ‘Obang laoree’ (the god). In the middle part, the Bathou is symbolised by a planted ‘Siju’ tree. As a symbol of creation, an egg and a symbol of truth, a piece of stone is kept in front of ‘bathou’. Two holy people, a ‘dauri’ and a ‘daudini’, remain as the holy custodians of puja under the guidance of ‘ouja, and they perform all the religious rites. Throughout three days, ‘Kherai’ dances are performed to please the holy ‘Bathou Borai’ and other gods and goddesses. The Doudini is the key dancer during the ‘Kherai Puja.’ ‘Ouja’ is important during the ‘Kherai’ puja. He instructs the worshipper and other co-workers of the ‘Kherai Puja,’ like the Doudini, with the rituals. The ‘ouja’ is generally the one who recites the mantras during the puja.

The Garja Puja is another meaningful religious ceremony of the Boros. The Boros perform the Garja Puja to purify themselves and the village after any seasonal festival like the ‘Baisagu’. They believe that in such festivals, the participants from the villages become impure due to free mixing, merry-making, and drinking. So, to purify themselves, they perform the Garja puja in the village. The Boros generally do not have any fixed date for Garja Puja, but they do it twice a year. The first Garja Puja is usually done in the ‘Jeth’ and ‘Ahar’ months. This Garja is known as ‘Bhashani Garja’. During this Garja Puja, the materials of sacrifice are kept on a ‘bhel’ made of plantain trees, which are usually floated on the river. The second Garja is performed during the month of ‘Kati’ and ‘Aghana’, and it is known as ‘Mainao doikhangnai’ or lifting the goddess of wealth. So, this Garja is also known as ‘Lakhi’ or ‘Lakshmi Garja’.

There are specific seasonal festivals that are celebrated with pomp and pleasure. One of the most popular seasonal festivals of the Boros is ‘Baisagu’. In Assamese, it is also known as ‘Bihu’. The Boros of Kokhrajhar and Goalpara district call this festival ‘Baisagu’, which means the beginning of the new year.

What are the food habits of the Boros?

Rice is the staple food of the Boros, but often, it is supplemented by a plentiful supply of vegetables, sometimes procured from the neighbouring forest. They also consume a considerable amount of meat and fish. When the Boro tradition was untouched by the Hindu influences, they could consume adequate pork. They dry the flesh of the deer or pork for an extended period and consume it when busy with their agricultural work. These dried meat and fish are called ‘bedor goran’ and ‘na goran’ respectively. They also collect wild vegetables from the forest and grow some in their home. The most consumed vegetables by the Boros are sibru (a kind of thorny plant), douphrem (a kind of small creeper, sour), jaglauri (a scented plant), raiding (cane), gan – ga – mala (a small plant). One of the most consumed vegetables is ‘anthai bajab’, cooked with ‘kushia’ fish curry and goat meat. Among the Boros is a culture of drinking rice beer known as a ‘madh’ or ‘jau’ prepared by steeping rice in water for two or three days. The rice beer is a perfectly colourless solution with a strong, pungent taste and is redolent with smoke. The rice beer is served on various occasions. The drink is often served to the guests as a welcome drink; the farmers frequently consume it after a hard day’s work in the field. The drink also has some medicinal quality, as believed by the Boros, and it is also served on any auspicious occasion and as an offering called ‘jumai’ to the god and the goddesses.

What is the typical structure of a Boro village?

A typical Boro village, consisting of 50-60 households, is not very big. The shape of the town is long and narrow. Houses are constructed on both sides of a common street. The village land for rice cultivation is kept on one side. The grazing field is situated generally by the bank of a river stream. In the corner of the grazing field is a ‘Garja Sali,’ a common place of worship. The Brahma Dharma followers among the Boros have their own Dharma Mandir in the middle of the village. The Boro village is controlled by elderly called ‘gaobura’, a recognised leader and a petty government officer. There is a joint fund in a village, which is managed by the ‘gaobura’. A chowkidar known as ‘halamji’ is nominated by the villagers. He works as an aid to the ‘gaobura’ and primarily informs the villagers about ceremonies or festivals.