The Chenchu Tribe
Andhra Pradesh

Of the wild tribes in the Madras Presidency, the Chenchus of the Nallamalais present the most challenging problem to the administration. They are a forest tribe, living in small villages or gudems, scattered throughout the forests on the eastern and western slopes of the Nalla-malais, which traverse the Kurnool district from north to south. Few of them care to till the land. They live partly by collecting forest produce, grazing cattle, and hunting. But no small share of their livelihood is derived from theft, dacoity and the levy of blackmail from the neighbouring peasants and from the pilgrims who visit the Srisailam temple. All observers agree in describing them as idle, improvident, drunken, thievish, and brutal. (1) The Chenchu are a remnant of those primitive, pre-Dravidian, and pre-Munda tribal groups, which E. von Eickstedt terms as Vedda races. Although the Chenchu have entered a close economic symbiosis with Telugu-speaking agricultural Hindu castes of the Krishna Valley and adopted their language, at least a few groups of the tribe on the Amrabad Plateau have retained, to a surprisingly high degree, their original culture and mode of life. The Chenchu is a small, nomadic forest tribe in Odisha, who wander across the borders of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha in search of a livelihood. It is said that 'Chenchu' is a person who lives under a 'Chettu' (tree). Another interpretation relates to the Chenchu's habit of eating mice (Chenchu). It is believed that the Chenchus and Yanadis, a tribe from Andhra Pradesh, descended from the same ethnic stock. They primarily inhabit the Nallamalai Hill ranges in the southeastern part of India, which are located in parts of undivided Andhra Pradesh. All of them claim that the female deity Brahma Rambha of Srisailam belongs to their community. According to history, the Chenchus are the first dwellers of the Andhra region, predating the Dravidians. It is believed that the kings of the south employed the Chenchus to protect the river Krishna and the Tungabhadra.
Lineage:
About
Social Organisation, Village Community and Family:
The social organisation is perhaps that part of Chenchu culture which has undergone the least change through the developments of recent years. Casual contact with outsiders has modified the material culture and, superficially, even influenced religious ideas, but it has left intact the basic principles underlying the structure of Chenchu society. Even the gradual transition from a nomadic to a settled life has not yet produced any revolutionary effects in the social sphere. However, it is likely that, over time, Chenchu society will adapt to changing conditions. At present, the social organisation of the Chenchus is still representative of those early types of human society found among races who have not yet emerged from the stage of hunting and collecting. All Chenchus, whether living in the jungles of the Amrabad plateau, in plains villages, or on the southern side of the Kistna River, recognise their unity as a race distinct from the surrounding populations, and in various spheres Chenchus will tender aid free to other Chenchus, while for the same service they demand payment from outsiders. (2)
Often, when a Chenchu is asked his name, he gives not only his name, but also that of his kulam, i.e his clan. It is the same as that of his father and of all his kinsmen on the father’s side, while his mother and her relations are members of a different clan; in the choice of a wife, he must observe the laws of clan-exogamy, which forbid him to marry a girl of his own or a related clan. There are few occasions when a clan’s membership determines his behaviour, except in his relations with persons of the opposite sex who are either potential mates or beyond the pale of sexual association.
At present, the following clans are found among the Chenchus of the upper plateau: Menlur, Tokal, Nimal, Sigarlu, Nallapoteru, Eravalu, Pulsaru, Urtalu, Daserolu, Mamedi, Katraj and Balmor. The first seven of these are numerically strong, while the others are represented only by a few individuals. All these clans also occur among the Village Chenchus near Amrabad, Mananur, and Lingal, and it is here that the clans, rarely encountered on the upper part of the plateau, have a wider distribution. The clans are exogamous, but they do not all intermarry, for some are considered “related” and are grouped in larger exogamous units. The clans are by no means evenly distributed, but one or two clans mainly inhabit each tract of country, although individual families of other clans may live in their midst. Owing to recent changes in the settlements of the Chenchus and the desertion of various village sites on the upper plateau, it isn't easy to establish with certainty the original distribution of the clans. There is, indeed, no indication that the clan system of the Chenchus is in any way totemistic. There are no associations between clans and animals or plants, except for those extremely hypothetical cases suggested by their present Telugu names. Additionally, no food taboos of a totemistic nature are observed; in fact, there is no differentiation in the diet of the various clans. (3) Clans are an exogamous unit, and this is their primary function. Every infraction of the law of clan exogamy used to be severely punished and is still considered a grave offence. Whether dispersed across several villages or inhabiting a limited tract of land, all clan members are prohibited from engaging in any form of sexual relations with one another. In contrast, together they form a unit vis-à-vis the other clans, comprising a large group of potential mates and in-laws. Throughout his life, society divides the Chenchu into two clearly defined groups: the people of his own and associated clans, with whom no relationship based on marriage can be established, and the people of the other clans, who may become his wives and relations-in-law.
The difference of attitude towards these two groups finds expression in the manner of address; the members of a man’s clan and generation are called brothers and sisters, and those of other clans’ brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law, while corresponding terms for the different generations are formed according to the classificatory relationship system, which will be discussed presently. The economic co-operation between members of one clan is no greater than that among the rest of the co-villagers; indeed, in one of the few economic activities in which a Chenchu requires help, namely in honey collecting, he will usually go out with his brother-in-law, and not with a man of his clan. The support lent by clansmen in a dispute is, at best, moral and falls short of any close identification. Whether in a permanent village or a temporary abode, the Chenchu is almost invariably a member of a community, sharing a common settlement and common collecting grounds. This community, which fluctuates throughout the year, swelling and thinning from season to season, may be aptly termed the “local group,” as distinct from the “village community,” although the two often overlap. Generally, in a Chenchu village, complete equality seems to prevail among the group's members in daily life. Still, close observation leads us to discern two distinct classes: those permanent members, born in the locality, who participate in the ownership of the surrounding tract of land, and those individuals whose inclusion is only temporary, either as spouses or as guests of blood relatives already within the group. Between the two classes, there are, however, no discriminating rights on the fruits of the soil and the spoils of the chase in the surrounding country, for those settling in a village are ipso facto entitled to the produce of its land. Except for settlements that have recently experienced a large influx of newcomers, the village community, as distinct from the fluid local group, is comprised of families who hold a tract of land in joint possession and form a practically exogamous unit. This fact is never actually stated by the Chenchus, who assert that alliances between members of intermarrying clans may be contracted within the village community. Thus, the Chenchu is not only under an obligation to seek a marriage partner outside his clan, but also outside his village community. This confirms our belief that the clans were originally local units and strengthens the character of Chenchu exogamy as a form of exogamy determined by locality.
Among the social units of Chenchu society, the family is the smallest, but it is also the most outstanding and clearly defined. It is the nucleus of the entire social structure of Chenchu life, and the larger units, such as clans, local groups, and village communities, are merely congregations of Individual families. In its composition, it is more permanent than the local group. In the satisfaction of profound social and biological needs, as well as in the Influence it exercises in moulding the individual, it is immensely more powerful than the clan. Alone among the social units, it entails division of labour and genuine economic co-operation. Moreover, the Chenchu family provides the only customary opportunity for sex relations, an aspect in which it differs markedly from that of many other primitive tribes of India. The great majority of families consist of husband and wife and their unmarried children, for although in the last generation a few men took two or even more wives, there were at the time of my stay only two polygamous marriages among all the four hundred and twenty-six Chenchus on the upper plateau, and in both cases the two wives were sisters. s on the upper plateau, and in both cases, the two wives were sisters. Invariably the members of the normal Chenchu family share one house or shelter, even grown children sleeping in the same house as their parents until marriage, when they leave the family unit to form households of their own; only if the season is unfavourable for house-building will they and their mates spend the first months of marriage under the parents’ roof. Thus, the Chenchu family, constituting a household, generally covers two generations; in rare cases, an old, widowed parent may stay with a married son or daughter, but it is more usual for widows to live in a separate, small grass hut close to the house of one of their children.
Husband and wife are, for all practical purposes, partners with equal rights, and their property is jointly owned; nominally, however, everything belongs to the man, except for those personal belongings a wife acquires from her parents. The concurrence of patrilocal and matrilocal marriage systems strongly emphasises the equality of status between husband and wife. Blood relations often have a strong preference for living close together. Many local groups are composed entirely of blood relatives and their spouses. In every Chenchu village community there is one man who has a certain prominence in all the community’s dealings with outsiders. He is called peddamanchi “big man,” and judging from the statements of Chenchus concerning his function, we may be tempted to describe him as a headman. Those living in a Chenchu settlement, however, will soon realize that the peddamanchi has very little authority and is at the most a primus inter pares. As a rule, though not always, the peddamanchi belongs to the clan with the strongest representation in the village. He is usually an old or middle-aged man, but not necessarily the oldest man in the community.
The only privilege the peddamanchi seems to enjoy is that of eating and drinking first on ceremonial occasions, such as weddings, or when men gather to discuss some quarrel, but his share in the food and drink is not greater than that of other men. He receives no contribution from the other members of the community, nor is he entitled to any special share in the spoils of the chase.
The duties of the peddamanchi are challenging to define. When the entire community makes an offering to a deity, it is generally the peddamanchi who pronounces the first accompanying prayer. At wedding ceremonies, he blesses the couple before the relatives. It is also said that when a village is shifted, the peddamanchi chooses the new site, but his house is not necessarily the first to be built.
Religion and tradition:
The Chenchu believe in a world of invisible powers that influence human life and are accessible to the invocations and offerings of man. These powers are thought to be personal beings, but it would be a misinterpretation of Chenchu's ideas if we denominated them “supernatural.” The Chenchu appear to draw no sharp distinction between the human world and that of the gods (devudu), whose existence they accept without much speculation on their origin and nature. An often-astonishing realism characterises his attitude towards the gods and is equally devoid of mysticism, religious fervour, or superstitious fear. In its present form Chenchu religion, if we may use this term for an uncoordinated mass of beliefs and ritual, is no rigid theological system, but an expansive framework that constantly embraces and assimilates new objects and forms of worship. The difficulty in ascertaining the nature of the Chenchus’ indigenous religious beliefs lies in the fact that with the displacement of their former language by Telugu, their deities must have lost their original names and were henceforth described by Telugu terms. Thus, their identity was obscured, and they have gradually become confounded with specific deities of the Hindu pantheon. Moreover, increasing contact with populations of the plains has led the Chenchus to adopt the cult of various deities of rustic Telugu religion. It is impossible to state exactly when this process began. Still, a point has now been reached where many of the gods worshipped by the lower Telugu castes and the Lambadis of the neighbourhood are now recognised and sometimes propitiated by the Chenchus. The cult of these deities, however, only thinly veils the original Chenchu beliefs, which are discernible beneath the veneer of Hinduism and remain important to this day.
Garelamma emerges as the most significant deity in the Chenchu pantheon, deeply interwoven with their daily lives and survival. She is portrayed as a benevolent and powerful entity, closely linked with the traditional occupation of the tribe, which is hunting and gathering in the forest. Her antiquity is attributed to the belief that she controls the activities of wild animals and influences the luck of the chase. This highlights the Chenchu's profound dependence on the forest for their livelihood and their belief in a divine being who directly impacts their success in this crucial aspect of their lives. Interestingly, Garelamma is described as possessing a dual personality, being referred to as both "mother" and "father." This indicates a composite deity that embodies both male and female aspects, suggesting a holistic view of divine power that encompasses nurturing and providing (motherly) as well as authority and protection (paternal). This dualism is further explored, suggesting it may stem from a culture with a predominance of female deities or a powerful sylvan god indigenous to Chenchu culture. Despite this dual nature, Chenchus predominantly describe Garelamma as a female deity, often appearing in the guise of an old woman, reinforcing the nurturing "mother" aspect. Garelamma is not merely a distant figure but an active participant in their lives. Chenchu prayers to Garelamma are frequent and purpose-driven, often accompanied by offerings of food, particularly the prey from a successful hunt or the first fruits gathered from the forest. These offerings are seen as a way of expressing gratitude and seeking continued favour. The act of placing a portion of the liver, raw meat from a kill, or the first ripened fruits on a flat stone or a "Garelamma altar" under a tree signifies a direct connection and communion with the deity. The specificity of these rituals underscores the importance of Garelamma in ensuring successful hunts and bountiful harvests. Garelamma's benevolence is consistently emphasised. She is believed to bring good luck in the chase, provide edible fruits, and protect from evil. If prayed to, she is supposed to answer prayers by "rendering him aid," to keep him in peace, protect his home and village, and "abstain from afflicting him with disease." This demonstrates a comprehensive belief in Garelamma as a protector and provider, covering various aspects of their well-being. Chenchu religious practices are essentially pragmatic and directly tied to their immediate needs, particularly hunting and food gathering. Prayers to Garelamma are not spontaneous but rather follow a defined formula and are offered on specific occasions related to their subsistence activities. The use of specific Hindi words, such as "puja" (worship) and "pujari" (priest), indicates some interaction and influence from Hindu traditions, although the core practices remain distinctly Chenchu. The "altar" for Garelamma is simple, often consisting of three or four upright stones about ten to fifteen inches high, forming a semicircle under a large tree. This simplicity reflects their nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyle, which is centred on forest dwelling and a close relationship with nature. The practice of arranging stones and offering first fruits or hunted meat on these altars highlights a deeply ingrained animistic or nature-worship aspect within their beliefs, where the sacred is found within their natural environment. Beyond Garelamma, the Chenchus acknowledge other deities, notably Bhagavantaru, the god of the sky. While Garelamma is seen as influencing their daily lives and immediate survival, Bhagavantaru is believed to command lives and deaths, indicating a hierarchical structure in their cosmology with Garelamma as an intermediary or direct provider and Bhagavantaru as the ultimate arbiter of fate. The texts also mention the practice of petitioning Garelamma to prevent men from "committing acts of drunken violence during the dancing," suggesting that their religious practices extend to maintaining social order and well-being within the community. This indicates a holistic approach to their faith, where spiritual beliefs guide not only their interaction with nature but also their social conduct. There is an acknowledgement that some "fruit offerings are altogether omitted," and a "disintegrating effect on Chenchu beliefs" is observed, with "old practices gradually disappearing." This suggests a dynamic cultural landscape, where traditional beliefs face challenges, possibly from external influences or changing circumstances. However, the persistence of Garelamma worship highlights its enduring significance. The Chenchus are portrayed as a tribe whose "traditional occupation" is deeply intertwined with hunting and gathering. Their reliance on forest produce is central to their existence. The description of a Chenchu hunter, when he "brings down an animal," returning home and praying to Garelammaisama, emphasizes the ritualistic importance of the hunt and the immediate connection between their success and their deity. The offering of a "short prayer" upon leaving their village further underscores the constant invocation of divine favour in their daily endeavours. The division of spoil, even for small animals like squirrels or hares caught by dogs, is subject to Garelammaisama's favour, indicating a communal recognition of the deity's role in all aspects of their subsistence. The preparation of a "boiled or cooked jungle food" and its subsequent offering to Garelamma before consumption by the community demonstrates a strong communal aspect to their religious practices and a reverence for the food provided by the forest. The query "whether Garelammaisama is a god or a goddess" and the invariable description of her as a "female deity" suggest a matriarchal or, at the very least, a highly respected position for women within their religious framework. This aligns with the idea of Garelamma as a nurturing provider.
The other important god of benevolent character is Bhagavantaru. The name is the same as that of the mighty Hindu god Bhagavan, but it should not be assumed that the Chenchu thinks of Bhagavantaru in terms like those of Hindu theology. It would, indeed, be most misleading to conclude from the Chenchu’s present nomenclature for gods and godlings that his religious conceptions run on the same lines as those of rural Hinduism. Although doubtful as to the abode of most other gods, the Chenchus are sure that Bhagavantaru resides in the sky. They say they are not sure whether he can see them from there, but their prayers reveal a conviction that Bhagavantaru can help and protect them against dangers. The idea of creation is foreign to the Chenchu, who accept the world as they find it without questioning how it came into being. No deity is therefore attributed with the making of the earth or any living creature. There is, however, the belief that the soul (jiv) of every individual comes from Bhagavantaru and returns to him at death. Still, Bhagavantaru may refuse to take back the jiv of a man whose deeds in this life were evil, and such a jiv turns into a dayan, a malignant ghost. Bhagavantaru is seldom worshipped with offerings; he is never given any of the first fruits or a share in the spoils of the chase, but when a couple remains childless for several years, they will pray to him for offspring and promise to give him an extensive offering of rice and other eatables if he grants their wish. Garelamaisama and Bhagavantaru have certain features in common, and they stand out from among all the other deities worshipped by the Chenchus. They are both considered beneficent deities controlling the forces of nature and human life. Although Bhagavantaru resides in the sky and Garelamaisama in the jungle, they are both in some way omnipresent and always within the reach of humans, while other deities have definite dwelling places and only occasionally visit other localities. The most popular Chenchu names are Lingaru and Lingama, and the god after whom they are called is Lingamaya. Some Chenchus assert that he is the greatest god, but curiously enough, this conviction finds little expression in acts of cult. (4)
The deities worshipped by the Chenchus of Chenchugudem and Tirnumpalli can be identified by sex as follows. The female deities include Maisamma (with various names), Bramarambadevi (also known as Chenchulaxmi), Pochamma, Ellamma, Edamma, Balamma, and Ganagamma. The male deities include Lingamaiah (Shiva, Lingam), Narasimhaswamy, Mallana (Mallikarjunaswamy), and Bayyanna, as well as Hindu gods such as Krishna and Hanuman. Chenchus believe that Maisamma is the supreme female deity. She resides nearby, in the forests, hills, and rivers, and is always within reach of humans. That is why, while starting fishing, hunting, honey collection or other gatherings, they first pray to Maisamma. Chenchus believe that she helps them gain and protects them from dangers. After the deal, they offer her a small portion of the product by throwing away a single roasted part into the jungle or water.5 Chenchus might have adopted worshipping the god Shiva as Lingamaiah under the influence of Srisailam pilgrims. Srisailam is one of the 12 Jyothirlingams of India and is very famous in South India. Srisailam is a holy town located 232 km south of Hyderabad, on the banks of the Krishna River. Another crucial religious site is Saile Swaram (or Chaleswaram), located 90 kilometres from Srisailam, deep in the Nalamalla hills. Here, and in the Srisailam temple, the Chenchus assist the priests, and Lord Malikarjunaswamy is worshipped in Srisailam. Hanuman is the monkey god who helped Rama to save Seeta. It was observed that the Chenchus, especially children, wear a locket of the god Hanuman around their necks. This locket is called a mala. At that time of the annual festivals (jatara), many Chenchus wear Shiva mala, Hanuman mala, and Aiyyapan mala, also under the influence of neighbouring villagers. The Chenchus worship a dargah, which is a mausoleum or tomb of a Muslim saint, under the influence of the villagers. In Chenchugudem, four people are said to be possessed by Muslim saints. This possession is called devudachudu and savarinetha dam and occurs especially during Moharram days, which they celebrate as Peerilu Panduga, as other caste people. The Chenchus, who are vegetarians, practice some rituals of the Muslims who do not eat chicken and mutton that a Muslim does not kill.
All Chenchu can be divided into two categories: indigenous and adopted. Thus, the Chenchus celebrate most Hindu festivals. They have adopted these festivals under the influence of the plains people. They commemorate the Sankrathi due to the influence of Singapatnam temple. The Chenchus participate in Moharram celebrations, calling it Peerla panduga. The annual festivals are called the jataras. The first day in jatara is called uduku panduga and the next days – saddi panduga. On the Uduku Panduga, the Chenchus worship like other caste groups - they clean the images of gods and goddesses and offer them coconuts, among other offerings. The Chenchus called it kayashekkeri. They cook prasada and offer it to God, light incense and pray. The next day, they sacrifice a chicken to Bayyanna or the goddess Maisamma. The Chenchus celebrate Ekadasi, Rakhi poornima, Vinayakachavithy, Dessera, Diwali, Sankranthi, Shiva ratri, Holi and Ugadi. (6)
The two most essential jatras are the Chaleswaram Jatara and the Gampa Jatara. The Chaleswaram Jatara is held once a year, 15 days after Ugadi on a full moon. Chaleswaram jatara is organised at a Shiva temple located in Nala-Malla Forest. This place is one of the destinations visited by Srisailam pilgrims, also known by various names, including Saleswaram and Saileswaram. This jatara is celebrated for 3 days. Every year, five families from Chenchugudem visit Chaleswaram. They bring two pairs of dresses and food, roti and curry. Some people shave their heads at Chaleswaram according to their vows and take a bath in the pool; afterwards, they go for darshan.
In the Gampa Jatara, the Chenchus from Chenchugudem organise a picnic near the river (peddavagu). Its name is gampa jatara. It occurs annually, typically in August and September. Every family participates in it. During gampa jatara, they decorate a gampa (basket) with white, red, and yellow colours. They prepare everything for Gampa Jatara, taking rotis, chicken, and curry ingredients in these baskets. Then choose a place where water is available and spread out on the bank in groups according to family and gotra. They elect a stone as Poleramma, decorate it with turmeric powder and flowers. Then they sacrifice the chicken to Poleramma. During the Gampa Jatara, they pray to deities to keep them healthy and to remove all sins. According to tradition, they begin to discard old items, such as baskets, winnowing fans, and domestic goods. In addition, Chenchus visit kurumurthy jatara (in Chinthakunta, 70kms from Chenchu gudem), ranagapuramurshu jatara and veerula jatara in Mulachinthpally.
Marriage:
Marriage is a significant event in a Chenchu's life. The Kulam being exogamous, marriage within the same Kulam is treated as incestuous and therefore strictly tabooed. Furthermore, marriage between members of the identical brother's kulam is also prohibited. The Chenchu typically get married at an early age, between 15 and 18 years. Maternal and paternal cross-cousin marriages are allowed in their society. Monogamy is common though polygyny is allowed if considered necessary. If the spouse dies or divorces, remarriage typically occurs. Generally, three types of marriages are prevalent in their society: arranged marriage (pelli), love and elopement marriage, and mutual agreement (maji) marriage. In all types of marriage, clan (kulam) exogamy is strictly observed. A Chenchu prefers to select a bride from outside their gudem.
The preliminary steps to marriage are not rigidly prescribed by custom. Still, parents now consider one method of approach as the way ‘it should be done,’ and elderly Ghenchus, questioned about the way marriages are arranged, invariably quote this method. They explain that when a boy begins to grow a moustache, his parents look for a suitable girl; ‘we know where the girls are and we go and see.’ With this end in view, they visit the girl’s village and approach her parents, asking them whether they are willing to give her to their son. Any ceremonies or feasting do not accompany this approach, nor are presents exchanged between the two families. In many cases, this discussion may not lead to marriage, but if an agreement is reached and the girl is already mature, the marriage takes place almost immediately. Sometimes the initiative comes from the girl's parents, and although this course seems less common, the procedure adopted in such cases is the same.
The proper ceremonies are performed only in those cases where both families welcome the marriage, and it will therefore be convenient to describe them now before we deal with the other methods of concluding a marriage.
Once an agreement has been reached among all the parties concerned, the young man or his parents begin to collect the necessary funds for the wedding feast. There is no formal engagement ceremony, and the mere agreement to enter into a marriage at some future date does not constitute a binding obligation. Both parties are still free to change their minds without incurring any liability.
For the Chenchu, who have limited opportunities to earn money, collecting funds for a marriage is often a significant challenge. The bridegroom must present the bride with a sari and choli, and in addition, he must give a choli to his future mother-in-law. Once the bridegroom or his father has purchased the sari and choli, the bride's family is informed, and a day is fixed for the event. Then, the nearest blood relatives of both parties are invited to attend the wedding, and the bridegroom or some men from his family go to the nearest bazaar to buy the necessary provisions.
On the wedding day, the bridegroom, his relatives, and the peddamanchi of his village set out with presents for the bride and her mother, including a quantity of rice and spices, as well as several bottles of liquor. In the bride’s village, they are welcomed by her family, and all sit down in the open. The bridegroom then hands over a sari and a choli for the bride, as well as a choli for her mother. The bride’s mother or any other elderly woman dresses the bride in her new sari, and sometimes a few teak leaves are tied to her hips and breasts. The tying of leaves was mentioned only by a few of my informants, while others disclaimed all knowledge of the custom, which is apparently rapidly disappearing. Then the bride is made to sit on a mat beside the bridegroom, and the peddamanchi of their respective villages ask both bridegroom and bride whether they are willing to become husband and wife. Finally, the end of the bride’s sari is tied to the gosh batta of the bridegroom. First, the peddamanchi and then the relatives bless the couple, showering them with rice. Liquor is handed round, and the food, which the bridegroom’s people have brought, is prepared.
Dress and Ornaments:
The Chenchus are scantily dressed. Now, they are no longer dressing themselves in leaves like their ancestors. The men usually wear loincloths (gochi). They leave their hair untrimmed and make a knot at the back of the head. The women are dressed more decently than men and wear sarees. Currently, there are significant changes in the dress patterns of Chenchu men and women. Many of the males cover the upper part of their bodies with cloth. The young people wear shirts, but the children, aged one to three years, remain naked. Chenchu do not decorate themselves, except for having a few tattoo marks on their hands, face, chest, and legs. Men do not wear any ornaments, but women wear inexpensive metal ornaments, such as earrings, nose rings, necklaces, bangles, and armlets, purchased from peddlers or local markets. In Sriramapuram hamlet, near Narasannapeta town in Srikakulam district, the lone Chenchu tribal street dance troupe has had the privilege of wearing the skin of the Small Indian Civet (Viverricula indica) for generations.
Food and Drinks:
Sitting under a tree on a cot woven from leaves and logs, Dasari Kotaiah sighs wearily when asked about what he is going to have for lunch.
“The usual,” he replies. A thin meal of rice and pachhadi — a simple chutney made from chilli, tamarind, and onion — has remained the family’s staple diet for years now. “This is our food for 25 days in a month. We cannot afford anything beyond that. Where is the money?” Kotaiah asks, shaking his head at the thought of buying fruits or vegetables from the market. His wry laugh speaks of a life where even the simplest comforts are out of reach. (7)
Kotaiah resides in a hamlet called Panukumadugu in Dornala Mandal of Prakasam District. The hamlet is home to the Chenchus, said to be the oldest aboriginal, Telugu-speaking tribe and the most vulnerable of the 12 Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in undivided Andhra Pradesh.
The Chenchus are generally non-vegetarians. They usually take millet, jowar, rice, maise, tuber and flesh of wild animals. Sometimes they survive on forest products for several days without taking any cooked food. They take a variety of fruits, roots, and tubers collected from the forest in different seasons. The surplus roots and tubers are dried and preserved for future use. They are very fond of taking honey, tubers, and the flesh of animals. The Chenchu are addicted to drinking and smoking. They brew mahua liquor for self-consumption and sale. Drinking of country liquors is a daily routine. They also smoke country-made cigarettes, tobacco rolled in sal leaf (Bidi), which is very popular among them.
Occupation:
The traditional occupation of the Chenchu is hunting and food gathering. The forest areas inhabited by the Chenchu are infested with wild animals, including bears, tigers, sambar, spotted deer, fowl, panthers, antelopes, wild pigs, cats, peacocks, various kinds of birds, snakes, lizards, scorpions, and more. The Chenchus supplement their food with the flesh of these animals, which they hunt with their bow and arrows. During hunting, they rely on their pet dogs for assistance. Besides, they collect seasonal forest products, such as wild fruits, roots, tubers, green leaves, gum, resin, mahua flowers, and honey. After meeting their domestic consumption needs, they sell the surplus in the local market to generate some income, which is then spent on purchasing other necessities. Currently, the nomadic Chen chus are gradually adopting agriculture. Some of them are cultivating forest lands and have encroached on Government lands. They practice agriculture on a tiny scale. Their agricultural activities are seasonal and rain-fed, and hence, the yield is meagre. They usually cultivate crops such as bajra, Jowar, and other rain-fed minor millets. Additionally, they engage in livestock rearing and wage earning, and are now employed in both government and non-government sectors. They purchase food grains and other essential commodities from the nearby market. Some families also brew and sell liquor as an additional source of income. Christoph von Furer-Hai Mendorf (8) writes that many Chenchus manufacture baskets for sale. For a large basket, they receive about one seer of millet, and for a small one, half a seer of millet, which on average corresponds to a value of between half an anna and two annas. Of the minor forest produce collected for contractors or sold secretly to banya the kernels of Buchanania latifolia fetch a reasonably good price, and the Chenchu, if he can summon enough resolution to collect large amounts without dipping into them to satisfy his hunger, can dispose of them at a rate of one rupee per seer of shelled kernels. Another marketable article is the fruit of Terminalia chebula, which gives the black myrabolans used for tanning. The contractors will buy at a rate of one rupee for two large baskets. The seeds of Sapindus emarginatus, the soap-nut tree, are also sold to contractors and banyans at one anna for three seers. But the gathering of these last two products, as well as the leaves of Diospyros melanoxylon, is no significant source of income for the Chenchu, for contractors generally introduce large numbers of plains’ people to reap these fruits, and the portion which the Chenchus can collect is therefore insignificant. Occasionally the Chenchus collect the resin of Boswellia serrata and barter it to the villagers of the plains, who use it as incense, and some men catch young peacocks and parrots, which they sell in bazaar for about four annas each; they say that if they keep and tame these birds they may receive as much as two rupees for a full-grown peacock and one rupee for a parrot. More lucrative, however, is the sale of mohua flowers, which are valued at one rupee for six seers, and the Chenchu is often able to get cash for these.
Mendorf further writes that labour is only an insignificant source of income. During the dry season and at the beginning of the rains, the Chenchus near the cart tracks are occasionally recruited by the Forest Department for demarcating coupes, clearing forest roads, and work in regeneration plantations. Still, the daily wages of three-quarters of a seer of millet, the equivalent of less than two annas, are not very conducive to developing in the Chenchus an appreciation of labour as a source of income. At present, the Chenchus seldom work for contractors, for these are not prepared to pay them the same wages as the labourers from the plains, but expect to get their services for a small remuneration, and the Chenchus do not unnaturally resent this distinction. During the hot season, the men of Sarlapalli, Vatellapalli, and Trailet graze cattle for the people of the plains and receive six seers of millet per cow per season for their trouble. Interestingly, he also writes that one of the few opportunities for the Chenchus to make money, that is to acquire cash, is the annual pilgrimage to Sri Sailam. In March, considerable numbers of pilgrims from the plains pass through the forests, either by Vatellapalli or Boramachcruvu, on their way to the temple at Sri Sailam on the other side of the Krishna River. The Chenchus offer their services as coolies and guides, helping the pilgrims cross the river.
Music and Dance:
Unlike other tribal groups, dance has no religious significance for them. It is performed for social recreation. Their main dance called 'Chenchu Natakamu', is a step dance (with springs and tilting steps) and drum beat dance (holding the tip of the saree in one hand and swinging it in nrithyam to the beat of the drum). Additionally, singing at night and on festival days is also practised. Although they do not have songs connected to ceremonies or festive occasions, the central theme of their songs is love and romance. Chenchu Patalu, Issurrayee Patalu (while grinding), Cata Patalu (while winnowing), Pokiri Patalu (fun and amusement) are sung during the performance of different activities and for amusement.
In the rugged Nallamalai Hills, the Chenchu endure, an ancient, pre-Dravidian echo in modern India. Once seen through a colonial lens as ‘wild,’ their story unfolds as one of profound resilience amid change. They tread a line between deep forest and settled plain, speaking Telugu but guarding a distinct identity. Their social fabric, woven from exogamous clans and the unshakeable family, holds fast – an intricate map of kinship.
At their spiritual heart remains Garelamma, spirit of the hunt, whose simple stone altars anchor them. Yet, their faith is a rich palimpsest, layering Srisailam’s Shiva, village goddesses, and even Muslim saints onto indigenous roots—a living chronicle of contact. They navigate a world where ancient jatras coexist with Hindu festivals.
From the solemn exchange of a wedding sari to the hunter’s quiet plea, the Chenchu embody the drama of holding fast while adapting. They are a people whose very existence is a testament to survival; their culture is a vibrant yet enduring landscape, challenged yet caught between the deep memory of time and its relentless march.
(1) “THE CHENCHUS. A WILD TRIBE OF THE MADRAS FORESTS.” Empire Forestry Journal 1, no. 2 (1922): 261–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42595292.
(2) Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, R. M. Crofton, and W. V. Grigson. 1943. The Chenchus: Jungle Folk of the Deccan. London: Macmillan.
(3) Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, R. M. Crofton, and W. V. Grigson. 1943. The Chenchus: Jungle Folk of the Deccan. London: Macmillan
(4) Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, R. M. Crofton, and W. V. Grigson. 1943. The Chenchus: Jungle Folk of the Deccan. London: Macmillan
(5) Nagaraju, Battini & Ivanov, Alex. (2011). Religion of Chenchus. STUDIES OF TRIBES AND TRIBALS; ISSN 0972-0639X. 9. 10.1080/0972639X.2011.11886631.
(6) Nagaraju, Battini & Ivanov, Alex. (2011). Religion of Chenchus. STUDIES OF TRIBES AND TRIBALS; ISSN 0972-0639X. 9. 10.1080/0972639X.2011.11886631.
(8) Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von, R. M. Crofton, and W. V. Grigson. 1943. The Chenchus: Jungle Folk of the Deccan. London: Macmillan