Language:

The Gondi language, along with its numerous local dialects, is a Dravidian language that is closer to Tamil and Kannada than to Telugu. Recent studies by Gond scholars have also linked the Gondi language and culture to the Indus Valley Civilization. Further, these studies argue that the Gonds are descendants of the Indus people. While writing about Maria Gonds, Volume IV of the Linguistic Survey of India, Maria is somewhat briefly discussed and considered a mere local dialect of Gondi, ‘almost identical with the ordinary Gondi of the district.’ The first reference to the Gondi words was made in 1844 by Dr. Voysey in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. A somewhat larger one, together with a few grammatical notes, was given in 1847 by Dr. O. Manager and the following year by B.H. Hodgson published a comparative vocabulary of Dravidian dialects containing, among others, Gondi and Oraon words in the same journal. On the other hand, G C Chevnix Trench’s Grammar of Gondi is a work of great thoroughness and is, yet, the most systematic description of the Gondi dialect.

Social Organisation:

The social structure of the Gonds has been reported to have changed continuously over a long time because of their consociation with the Hindu castes: the model for emulation. The segmentary characteristics of the Gond tribe have withered considerably in the light of caste organisation. Now, the Gonds have a very high appreciation of caste and strongly claim their position as equal to that of cultivating castes in the caste system. Likewise, they observe the rules of commensality and social distance with other ethnic groups. For example, they accept food and water from Brahmins and Rajputs- the higher castes-but not from Katia, Kalbar, Mehra, Chamar - the lower Hindu castes. W.W. Grigson, while writing about the Maria Gonds, says clans are not merely little more than surnames; quite apart from questions of exogamy, they are, in the Abujhmar hills, practically political units, each, at least of the flourishing clans, with its clan-area; and each clan had a panchayat system for dealing with everyday offences. Clans may feel themselves closer to some clans in kindred or affinity than to others. Still, overall, it is the social solidarity of the clan and its members, its ‘bhumkal’ as the Marias say, that keeps the Hill Marias together. Had it not been for the intense feeling of the clan for its bhum (earth), the mistaken and oppressive land revenue system in vogue until recently, and the gross mismanagement of at least the Bastar zamindaris, the result would have been wholesale migration to Chanda District. Grigson further writes that, while surveying the Usendi clan of Orcha, and the Chhota Dongar hill pargana, he observed that so far as that pargana is concerned, the clans in it do fall into two moieties. The Usendi clan has six clans related to it as dadabhai (brother-clan) and fourteen as akomama (wife-clan); not only did each of the clans concerned agree that it stood in the relation shown to the Usendi clan, but their statements were confirmed by the actual marriages examined. But the first significant difficulty arose in the adjacent Barsur Mar and Mangnar pargana. There is no doubt about the Usendi freely intermarrying with the important Gume clan, which practically monopolises Barsur Mar. It is equally sure that the great Jugho clan of Adeq and other Chhota Dongar villages, as well as of Itulnar in Bhairamgarh Mar, regularly intermarries with and is akomama to the Usendi clan. Suppose there were two moieties; all clans from which a Usendi could take a wife would have to be in the moiety other than that containing the Usendi clan. In that case, the Gumelor and the Jughalor would have to be in the same moiety and thus would be dada bhai to each other, unable to intermarry. But they are akomama to each other and do intermarry quite often. Grigson claimed that the two-moiety theory, therefore, the Usendi and Jughalor ought to be in the same moiety and, hence, would not be allowed to intermarry. But they do, very frequently. The theory of two moieties, therefore, completely breaks down, and it is obvious that we are confronted by something approaching phratries. The Bison-horn Marias call their groups kutmam or tarr and their clans katta. Still, the Hill Marias know neither of the two former words, and though some towards the south of the hills understand katta, they use the word favs that are in vogue for this purpose among all the Central Provinces Gonds.

While writing about the Gonds in Bihar, Sachidananda writes that, the Gond of Ranchi is hi belong to two broad subdivisions viz. Rajgond and Popa Gond. The Rajgond are superior in status to other Gonds. They are divided into six clans viz. Bhay, Pradhan, Manjhi, Besra, Dhurwa and Neti. Even among the Rajgond, there are seven families in Kulukera and four in Basen who claim to be the only real Rajgond. They belong to the Jugdat clan. They marry only in Madhya Pradesh. A widow is not allowed to marry any person other than her husband's younger brother. In case this is not possible, she will have to remain a widow. Formerly, these people did not accept food at the hands of another Gond. They do not recognise the leadership of Meghnad Manjhi, the President of the Gond Mahasabha, as he is regarded as being of lower status to them. Only recently have they begun to accept food from the other Gond, but they still do not intermarry with them. Singbhum Gond is divided into two endogamous divisions viz. Raj Gond and Dhuria Gond. The Rajgond are divided into seven exogamous groups, each associated with a totem. The clan's sages, such as Basistha, Kashyap, Dadhichi, and Gargurh, are related to totems, including the tiger, crocodile, crane, and elephant, as well as the conch shell. The names of the two clans and their totemic objects are not known in that area, as they are not found. The Dadhichi clan is considered inferior, and people often form matrimonial relationships within their own sub-clans. The sub-clans in the Kashyap clan are Panipathar, Tagdhara, and Matia. The Gond of Palamau believes that the origins of seven groups of Gotra are related to the seven chakras.

Religion:

The religious beliefs of the Gonds are deeply rooted in animistic ideas. The Gonds consider animate objects, such as trees, plants, animals, and human beings, as well as the abode of spirits. For them, the mystery of natural phenomena can be explained in terms of the spirit of the world. The day-to-day happenings of human life are attributed to spiritual forces. Grigson, in his account, writes that among the Gonds of the Central Provinces, here the clans are divided into groups or phratries according to the number of Little Gods or Chuddur Penk kept as domestic godlings in a pot inside the house of the head of the family; and for each clan there is, or was, somewhere in the Province, a Holy Circle or Pen-kara beneath a sacred saja tree, in the fork of which would be tied a grass bundle containing for the whole clan a set of godlings of the same number as the Chuddur Penk in the houses of members of the clan; this set is, in reality, the Big-God or Bhera Pen (a name commonly Hinduized as Bura Deo or even Mahadeo) of the clan. Just as the Chuddur Penk pot in the house not infrequently contains, besides the actual Chuddur Penk, a vermilion shell or pebble or knot of wood representing the ‘Chuddur (small) Mahadeo’ or Narayan Deo or some other godling from whom the family may believe itself to have received some past help, so too the grass bundle at the Holy Circle may contain representations of Bara (big) Mahadeo, Narayan Deo, Pharsi Pen, Matiya, Ghangra, Palo, etc. Grigson also writes about regional variations while talking about the concept of domestic godlings among the Gonds. While talking about the Gonds residing near the Nagpur region, he claimed that he had known many Maria Gonds intimately and had them talking freely on these questions. He also said that he had seen the contents of every pot, gourd, packet, or other receptacle in many a Hill and Bison-horn Maria house, but he never found any domestic godling. They had always denied having them or god-groups founded on them. Similarly, the adjacent Jhoria and Gotal Murias, although some of them were aware of Gonds who had migrated to Bastar from the Central Provinces with domestic deities and religious groups. The only Bastar Gonds of whom it has ever been reported that they have domestic gods in addition to the clan god are the ‘Telugu Gonds.’

The most significant set of information from Grigson's account comes from his discussion on the cult of Earth, the clan god, and the village Mother. Grigson writes, among the Gonds, sometimes that the Pen clan-God and the Village Clan-God and others are also Bhum; and in some places the cairn Village Mother or table-stone below the sacred saja tree does duty on one occasion for the Pen and on another for the Village Mother; even at the annual village festival of the Mother following the clan harvest-home and Kogsar of the Hill Marias the Pen, if honoured, is sometimes honoured on the same stones as the Mother, and not at a separate cairn. Bhum and the clan-god appear to be identical; in the villages where there are both a kasyeq-gaita and a bhum-gaita in the Abujhmar country, it is the latter who has to preside over the village deputations to the clan-god. The distinction, however, is not clear-cut. In most hill villages, there is no separate bhum-gaita, and the kasyeq-gaita not only performs his work but is sometimes called bhum-gaita or bhumia. In contrast, in Bison-horn villages, the perma is bhum-gaita and addresses himself in some tracts to the Earth, both as Bhu-deo and Bhu-devi, the Earth-God and Earth-goddess, besides being the priest of the Village Mother and the other forms that the Earth takes in Bison-horn cults, such as Dongar Deo or Kodo Deo. Grigson also writes about the waddai or modul-waddai, which he mentions as the clan priest. He says that it has been seen how, in the Hill Maria clan areas, each village goes to him for the celebration of the clan festival and to obtain the clan god’s permission to hold the village festival. But the clan priest is generally not the clan headman, even in the Abujhmar hills tracts where the clan area has become the modern pargana. He may or may not be a person of ability and influence. He should be the medium, into whose body the clan God enters and through whose mouth the god makes his will know to his clan. The secular pargana headman is a man of far more influence, and in the villages, the kasyeq-gaita and the perma are religious headmen in a way that the clan priest seldom is in the clan. The Village Mother is always dealt with in Hill and Bison-horn villages through the kasyeq-gaita and the perma, respectively. Still, she neither enters the body of a medium nor can be consulted through one like the clan God. It is tempting to regard her as the personification of the female and the clan God as that of the male element in the reproductive powers of the Earth or Bhum. The Earth, then, as a clan god, is the god of nourishment, reproduction, and life itself; the Gonds are his children and are fed by him. For them to raise their sustenance, he divided up the land among the clans and the clan area among the villages. In each clan and village, he appointed priests or headmen who alone might communicate with him and to whose first ancestor he revealed the clan and village boundaries, which knowledge has been handed down from father to son.

The clan god of the Marias, as observed by Grigson, is very enchanting. He says the clan-God of Marias of both kinds and Murias is a framework of three parallel saja logs held together by cross-pieces of bamboo or saja, to which they are lashed by cords of sari creeper or twisted thongs of the outer rind of bamboos. Where saja trees are scarce, he may be made entirely of bamboo but will be lodged in a hut under a saja tree. Halbas, Telangas and Murias have precisely similar gods if the logs composing them are more elaborately adorned and sometimes carved. Their generic name in Bastar is Anga Deo or Pat Deo, also known as Log-God. Grigson further adds that it is inevitable that most of the Hill Maria clan-gods have a relationship claimed for them with Pat Raja of Mohnar. The Usendi clan of Orcha has his younger brother Wikir Hunga at Japgunda, the Deda clan of Kurmer has another younger brother, Nule Harma, the Dhurwa clan of Gomagal has his sister Oghal Mutta’i, the Hill Maria Marvi clan of Toqtoli in Mangnar fargana have his sister’s son Mara-Magh, while the Gume clan of the Barsur Mar pargana not only acquired a yet younger brother of Pat Raja, Verma Mo’itto Pen, as their clan-god, but also a family of Pat Raja’s clan, the Jaterom,” as hereditary clan-priests because, the Jaterom being akomama (wife-clan) to the Gumelor, the new god was related to them as mama or maternal uncle. He had to have a priest or waddas of his clan or one dadabhai (brother-clan) to it. The Gonds say, in fact, that all clan-gods are mutually related, if they are sometimes very hazy as to the actual relationship;

Mr. Hutasan Majhi and Dr. Ratnakar Mohapatra, in their article on the Gonds of Orissa, write that the Gonds of Nuapada believe spirits reside in trees. Hence, cutting down trees is against ritual norms. On the other hand, planting trees is a meritorious act that often brings good luck, such as having offspring or an increase in wealth. The spiritual significance of trees and plants is evident in their use in domestic and communal rituals, as well as in the practice of magic and the treatment of diseases. The authors further suggest that Hindu rituals and deities are gaining dominance among the Gods of Orissa, particularly in Naupada. In the religious concept of the Gond, the Bel leaves a favourite of Lord Shiva. The leaves, fruits, and roots of the Bel tree are used in various rituals, including marriage, birth, and death ceremonies, as well as in worshipping several deities for magic and for medicinal purposes. The sterilised flowers of the Boula are worshipped and used in worshipping the Gods. The leaves and twigs of the Asok tree are used for festooning the shrines during festive occasions. Like the above trees, the Champa flower is also sacred, as it is a favourite of Lord Shiva and other gods of the Gond pantheon. Due to their religious significance, these trees are often planted in the precincts of temples and shrines. Various parts of the mango, Karkali, Harida, Bahada, Amla, and Jackfruit trees have been incorporated into the magic, religious, and medicinal usage of the Gonds. The lion is regarded as the “Vehicle” of Durga, the mother Goddess, who is therefore called Shimhabahini.

Like the Juanga, Bhuiyan, and other Mundari-speaking tribes, the Gonds regard Dharm Devta (the son God) as their Supreme deity. He is venerated with distinction as the most divine and benevolent God of the Dharam (righteousness and virtues). He controls both the human and the supernatural worlds. He sees and knows all that goes on upon the earth, hell, and heaven. He punishes the misconduct against customary morality. He is the Supreme Being residing in and shining through the luminaries. He reigns supreme over the earth in removing darkness, purging sin, subduing all evils, and showering his kindly blessings on the planet and its inhabitants. Dulha-Pen (bridegroom-God) or the bridegroom-God was one of the most cherished deities of the hearth among the ‘Gonds’ of Madhya Pradesh. He was also supposed to be a marriage godling, which presides not only over the wedding but also over the marriage bed, its happiness, and its fertility. The worship of Dulha Pen was widely practised among the Gonds. A stone represented him, or a man riding on a horse, as well as a battle-axe. Gansamwas a popular village god who protected the village from tigers. He was either represented by a stone on the village boundary or by a platform and a pole. The image of a tiger was often seen on the outskirts of a village. He was propitiated once a year regularly when the autumnal harvest festival took place. He was offered only a fowl by the village Baiga. Special worship was also provided to the god when the village fowls, pigs, cattle, etc., were stolen by the tiger, or the beast killed many men. Hardul (God of Wedding) was one of the defiled heroes who was worshipped widely in Madhya Pradesh as a village god. Hardul was worshipped in the Vindhyan districts of Sagar and Damoh, the Narmada and Tapti valleys, the Chhindwara plateau, Chhattisgarh, and, to a lesser extent, in Bastar. Bhivsen, or Bhimal, was the most popular god among the ‘Gonds’ of Madhya Pradesh. He was an embodiment of strength, and he was associated mainly with rocks, mountains, and rivers. Several stones were pointed out as the loads Bhivsen used to carry. Many hills were again pointed out as relics of Bhivsen. Nat Awal, also known as Dharti Mata, the fertility goddess, was both revered and worshipped by the Gonds. The earth, or ‘Bhum,’ was the ultimate source of life and power that manifests in all the other deities.

The Gonds observed several religious festivals. These were the Akhari, Jiwati, Pola, Diwali, Nawo tindana, Dussera, and Phag or Shimga celebrations. Many of them are related to the agricultural season. The Gond celebrations were communal ceremonies. They were greeted with zest and excitement. The reasoning underlying the celebration of festivals was virtually identical throughout the centre of India. Consequently, the essential elements of the festivals underwent some alterations because of the influence of Hinduism and other beliefs. Today, they celebrate Hindu holidays such as Ganesh Chaturthi, Raksha Bandhan, Nagpanchmi, Diwali, Dashara, and Holi with the same zeal as Hindus. The Gond of the Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve, an agrarian people, observe several agricultural celebrations on different occasions. These festivities are divided into two categories: celebrations that involve the whole Gond population and festivals that are attended by each hamlet. Local festivals are held independently by each town, and participation is limited to residents of the Community in question. Bidripuja, Hareli, and Navakhani are the festivities that involve the whole Gond Community. The commemoration of these events is critical to the conservation of cultural heritage beliefs and customs.

Marriages:

The Gonds have several types of marriage practices. The oldest among them is marriage by capture, known as Poysceottur. This practice varies from place to place. A different kind of marriage practice occurs when the girl elopes with the boy. In some marriages, even after obtaining the parent's consent, the couple prefers to elope. Elwin found that it could also be due to economic reasons if the parents found it challenging to collect the required grain for the communal feast or were reluctant to face opposition from influential clan members. Sometimes, it also happens due to impatience. Romance and thrill all combine to lead to elopement; the boy and girl run away to a friendly house or ghotul. At times, the girl is made pregnant to compel her parents to agree to the marriage. The couple then must face the clan jury, who will demand a feast or a fine, typically in the form of Mahua (a local liquor made from the Mahua flower), before agreeing to regularise this marriage. Among the Gonds, a man may marry his mother-in-law, co-widow, or any woman closely related to him, where the classificatory system of relationship is not prevalent. However, he cannot marry his wife’s elder sister. First, cousin marriage is most common amongst all the Gonds. The practice of giving bride price is shared among the Gond tribes. This nature of the bride price, the articles and quantities shown, their value and the amount of cash given with the gifts will naturally differ not only from place to place but also between different households. The total expenses of marriage vary widely between a few hundred rupees amongst the economically disadvantaged Gonds and more than a thousand amongst the Raj Gonds. The boy’s father must give the girl’s father grain and money as bride price. Until married, a girl is only a daughter of her natal clan. It is, therefore, essential in Gond society that all girls are married. Primary marriage is not so much a matter of a Gond girl finding a mate as it is about finding a clan. This is statistically possible because Gond men may have more than one primary marriage, whereas a girl can only have one primary marriage, which makes her a member of that clan. Soon after marriage, a bride should be introduced to the clan deity of her husband as a beti. She is then in a fit state for her persona, sanal, to be mixed with the other souls of her clan after death. It would be too easy to say that a woman is incorporated into the clan and phratry of her husband while she is alive and bears no relationship to her natal clan. She is still seen and often asked which clan she is a daughter of. This is Gond's recognition of the principle of alliance and affinity with her husband. She does not become incorporated into her primary husband’s clan until she is dead.

The cycle of primary marriage rituals is exceedingly elaborate, taking a whole week to perform. There are three variations on the basic theme for primary marriage rituals based on two sets of variables: one, whether the marriage is prestigious and involves the elaborate pre-marriage betrothal ceremony, kaja kobre, presentation of a coconut kernel, or whether it is a more uncomplicated marriage by capture, pisi watwal, coming having been taken, and two, whether the marriage is virilocal or uxorilocal, the former being either betrothal or capture and the latter being called lam sade or indebted son-in-law that is similar to the pan-Indian system of ghar jhawae.

Profession/Activities to sustain their livelihood:

Grigson, while writing about the Maria Gonds, notes in his account that the entire life of the Gonds is primarily directed towards raising food from the earth, either through cultivation, gathering forest fruits, or by fishing, hunting, or trapping. Their agriculture, as Grigson had seen, determines the sites of his villages and regulates his relations with his wife. Their festivals are designed either to ensure the benevolence of the earth, the ancestors, and the clan god towards the crops about to be sown or to celebrate the first eating of each of the main crops and the final harvest, all in a spirit of communal thanksgiving. The human population, to the Gonds, is the crop of men that the Bhum or Earth raises for the clan or the Ruling Chief.

The Hill Maria still regards the crops as the result of the combined labours of the village rather than of the labours of individuals. During the time of harvest, men, women and children reap using small iron sickles of the type common throughout the Central Provinces. If one suffers, all suffer, and all combine to support the old and the needy and to help each fellow villager get through the heaviest parts of the yearly agricultural round. Their dependence on the forest is such that they constitute the integral components of the forest ecosystem; forests have been the pivot on which tribal habitat and life revolve and have evolved so far; their religion-culture artefacts, belief system, cultural practices, technologies, and tools have been nurtured and cultivated under perennial plant associations and benign environment. Srabani Sanyal and Ramyash, in their paper on the Gonds of Chattisgarh, write that The Gonds of Mangalnaar village are primarily dependent on traditional livelihood sources like collecting tendu patta, mahua flower, fishing, leafy vegetables, Tora, chironji and tendu fruits from the nearby forest. Most of these forest products are consumed by the locals. As a result, children remain undernourished and suffer from malnutrition and the tribal community is forced to live in poverty. The writers further note that in the Mangalnaar region of Chhattisgarh, the Gonds engage in fishing in the Indrawati River. Fishing is practised throughout the year. However, after every rainy season, the river water is mainly used for fishing. Dried fish, also known as Suksi in the local language, is consumed throughout the year. After the rainy season, they sell Suksi to the nearby weekly market and buy their essentials.

Dress:

Grigson while writing about the dressing patterns of the Maria Gonds, says that of the men, they were undoubtedly more scantily clad than any he had hitherto seen; of the women, that their clothing, like that of the men, was scantier than that of other Maria women, consisting only ‘of a tiny cloth wrapped once round the loins.’ In contrast, ‘some of the older women and children wore only a square patch of cloth, suspended on a cord fastened round the waist, upon which bamboo rings were strung.’ He further adds that the Hill Marias are now gradually learning to dress in the same fashion as the Jhorias and Murias of Antagarh, or the Bison-horn Marias of Dantewara, and are wearing their loin cloths, turbans, and ornaments. But in the villages of the interior and everywhere among the older inhabitants, the old fashions still survive. The loin-cloth is little more than a length of cloth a foot or fourteen inches broad, twisted or rolled so that it makes a strip around the waist about five inches wide or sometimes much less, passed between the legs tightly so that in front it seems like a bag for the private parts and that behind it disappears between the buttocks, brought out and wound again round the waist, the end being passed through the waist fold and allowed to hang down over the right buttock; this end is called toga (tail), and in the case of small boys reaches nearly to their ankles, getting shorter as the wearer ages. Above this, there should be a girdle of cowry shells, worn so close to the loin-cloth as to be partly concealed by it. Still, cowries have become unobtainable now that for forty years or more, they have ceased to be a currency, and the wearing of the cowry girdle is, as they admit, dying out, though old girdles are jealously preserved. Some wear just a cord instead of a girdle. Tucked into the girdle or the loin-cloth are knives with or without wooden sheaths, razors (as already seen), hollow bamboo tubes filled with tobacco, or little tobacco boxes of carved wood or tree-seeds, or of basketry (the last kind is sometimes worn on the left shoulder on a cord passing round the neck and under the left arm-pit) ; a comb may hang over the buttock from a cord; and occasionally on the Dantewara side a larger knife approximating to the banda or dao used by the Bison-horn Marias and Parjas.

The older Marias wear no clothes on their heads and no ornaments in their hair. However, it is now general to wear an apology for a pagri or turban, consisting of one folded Mahra cloth wound around the forehead and tied at the back of the head. Youths wear between this and the back or side of their heads tail feathers of jungle-cock, hornbill or racquet-tailed drongo (which they stick into their crown-tuft knots if they have no pagris). This headcloth is often dirty and worn and looks suspiciously like all that is left of an old friend's loincloth. Grigson further wrote that women go with breasts uncovered. Very old women occasionally hobble about inside their huts completely naked. The square patch of cloth suspended between the legs from a waist cord on which bamboo rings were strung, which Glasfurd saw as the sole garment of some children and elderly women, is the garment known as mudang, worn only by females. It is to-day intimate underwear, to be seen by no one save the husband, except in the case of very little girls who, when six or so, wear it for the first time as their only garment. Brass rings made by the Ghasia (Gharwa) brass workers in bazaar places in the plains, such as Gidam, Dhaurai, and Narainpur, have replaced the bamboo rings of Glasfurd’s time. The cord on which they are strung is sometimes a thin piece of cane. A mother buys a few rings for her little girls whenever she has a piece or two to spare during her visits to the market, and the cord becomes nearly full of rings when the girl is old enough. The mudang cord is never removed, even during childbirth. The cloth attached to it is usually a strip of old rag torn off a worn-out loin cloth. It has already been stated that women keep it on when bathing. The mudang is buried or burned with the woman.

The cord full of rings is evident under the top of every woman’s loin-cloth as a sort of ridge. The cloth itself is folded over the rings and hangs down all around the loins and buttocks without being passed between the legs. It is, therefore, not revealing like men’s clothes.

Occasionally, women wear a small sheet thrown carelessly across the breasts and over the left shoulder in imitation of the custom gradually spreading in the Bison-horn country. A cloth of this kind is used for supporting a baby, who rides on his mother’s right or left hip with the cloth drawn tight over his little buttocks and up to his armpits and thence fastened over her other shoulder. Even for dancing, a woman has no other clothes.

In modern times, the dressing pattern among the Gonds has evolved; the traditional attire of Gond men typically consists of a dhoti, a simple cotton garment wrapped around the waist, paired with a kurta, a loose-fitting shirt. In rural settings, men often wear a turban or pagdi, crafted from brightly coloured cloth, which serves both practical and ceremonial purposes. During festivals or rituals, they may adorn themselves with a jacket or angarakha, embellished with minimalistic designs. The clothing is typically made from locally sourced cotton, dyed in earthy tones such as red, white, or mustard yellow, reflecting their connection to nature.

Gond women, on the other hand, wear vibrant, ankle-length skirts called lugda or sarees draped in a distinctive style. These sarees often feature bold geometric patterns or tribal motifs, handwoven with intricate care. A choli (blouse) complements the saree, and a dupatta or odhni (headscarf) is draped over the shoulders or head, especially during community events. The colors—red, green, black, and yellow—symbolise vitality and festivity.

Food:

The food habits of the ordinary Gond were somewhat uniform. They were accustomed to eating three meals a day. The technique of cooking a meal encompasses a range of methods, including frying, boiling, baking, and roasting. Their staple food was a gruel made from a mixture of millet and rice, cooked in water. Another typical dish was the broth or juice of millet. In times of scarcity, the dried flowers of mahuwa were mixed into the gruel. They were generally meat eaters and ate the meat of any animal, excluding totem animals. The prohibitory forest laws, which bar explorations of the forest in search of food, have led the Gonds to develop their agricultural skills and move into labourer jobs. Frequent contact with market centres and other cultural groups has also influenced their traditional food habits. There has thus been a continuous change in their food habits, culinary art, meal patterns, and the stimulants they consume. The culinary art has undergone gentle reform; the use of edible oils and spices has increased significantly compared to the past. The gruel (Pej) remains a staple food, but it is supplemented primarily with chapatis, boiled rice, pulses, and vegetables, rather than forest foods such as edible roots, tubers, and flowers, as well as the flesh of animals and birds. They generally indulged in drinking liquor distilled from mahuwa flowers. It was not only a welcome stimulant but also an essential ingredient in their religious and social ritual. It is crucial for every offering; it was consumed in large quantities during weddings, funerals, and caste dinners. The consumption of liquor was never considered a social evil but instead accepted as a social lubricant that fostered the spirit of togetherness and a sense of oneness among the Gonds. Drinking liquor and smoking tobacco in the clay pipe were reported as traditional. However, the former is now affected by the ban on self-distillation, while the ban has impacted the latter on bidis. Now, the Gonds smoke tobacco or bidi several times a day instead of drinking liquor in excess.

Songs and Dances:

Songs and dances accompanied by musical instrument played an important role in the lives of the Gonds. The main dances were Karma, Ri-na, Ri-lo, Re-la, Sela-Danda (stick), Mandari, Hulki, and Suwa etc. These were accompanied by various musical instruments like, drums, kikir, flute, cymbals and others. It is through the songs and dances the Gonds sought to satisfy their inner urge for revealing their soul. The dance movements were very fast in many forms which keep them physically fit. Even the rhythm played on instruments is of quite high note which regulate their activities. Their songs had rare beauty and deep simplicity. Music and dance had been a tradition since time immemorial. However, now the songs sung in the villages are also composed in the Hindustani-lingua-franca, and the Gondi songs have become little known to the Gonds. The acculturation, led by the dances and songs of cinema and natak-mandalis of the region has resulted in the fast disappearance of traditional songs and dances.