Language:

The Khasi Language is a member of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austroasiatic language family. It is spoken mainly in the Khasi and Jaintia hills in Meghalaya. Khasi is the only language in India that belongs to the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic language family. The Khasi language has four significant dialects. The first is the Khasi proper, the standardised version acceptable to all Khasi people. Almost 3 lakh people speak this dialect in and around Cherrapunjee. The next most popular dialect is the Synteng or Pnar dialect, spoken by nearly 55000 people in the Central Plateau of Jaintia Hills. Lyngngam is another dialect spoken by almost 14 673 speakers in the southwest. Another popular dialect is the War, spoken in the low Southern Valley, bordering Sylhet Valley and the Sylhet plains of Bangladesh, by almost 4000 people. One more dialect is Bhoi Khasi, spoken in the district's Northern Lowlands. In the lush hills of Meghalaya, Reverend Thomas Jones emerged as a groundbreaking figure, becoming the first Welsh missionary to connect with the Khasi people. Revered as the "Father of Khasi Alphabets," he wielded the Roman script in the early 1840s, intricately weaving the spoken Khasi language into written form, a gift that would forever change its landscape.

Alongside him stood Dr John Roberts, a visionary Welshman from Corris. His passion for the Khasi culture led him to translate much of the Old Testament, bringing its ancient wisdom to life for the Khasi community. His pen flowed with the melodies of countless hymns, his creativity unfurled in the pages of the first Khasi journal, and his heart expressed in numerous books and poems. For all his inspiring endeavors, he is celebrated as the "Father of Khasi Literature," leaving a legacy that continues to resonate through the hills and hearts of the Khasi people.

Hamlet Bareh provided another list of dialects of the Khasi language and, overall, different views on these dialects. The list primarily includes:

1) Arnwi- spoken in South Jaintia Hills

2) Shella- Southern Khasi Hills

3) Warding- Another dialect of South Khasi Hills

4) Myriaw, Nongkhlaw, Nangspun – spoken in mid-southern hills

5) Cherra- Mid-Southern Khasi hills

6) Lyniong Khasi- Spoken in the Central Parts

7) Jowai- Central Jaintia

8) Bhoi- North East Khasi Hills

9) Nongstoin and Langrin – Western Khasi

The Khasis have many wise sayings, incantations, fables, and folk songs, and Khasi is rich in adverbial phrases and imitative. Sacrificial chantings {ktien knia), parables (Pharshi), proverbs (ka tien tymmen), and other figurative are many in the Khasi language. There are also many interesting legends and folk stories. Synonyms and imitatives are commonly used, and they are uncountable in number. Yet, owing to the changes caused by modern transformation, Khasi has lost some of its old characteristics; in fact, many idioms used years ago by the aged people have become obsolete.

The Khasis had their own poetry and developed their own indigenous art of forming regular poetic expressions. Such poetic addresses were put in verses in a couplet and used to be chanted by a group or exchanged among two groups of people on important occasions of sports, festivals, ceremonies, and archery, and were used during warfare occasions. They convey different meanings or lessons. They are called Phawars.

At present, Khasi is the medium of instruction in all primary schools, and the dialect around Cherrapunjee is used chiefly for literary expressions.

Social Structure:

The Khasis were settled in various places in Assam before they came to their present home, and their association with other people has already been shown. It was perhaps at Kamakhya that the Khasis encountered the Garos. The Khasis and Garos are the only major people who remain in matrilineal lines of descent and customary inheritance laws in "Eastern India.” This is further supported by the existence of the Lyngngam tribe, which practises both Garo and Khasi matrilineal customs. A few Lalung clans also retain matrilineal traits closely resembling the Jaintia. Major PRT Gourdon, in his work, ‘The Khasis’ writes that the inhabitants of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be said to be divided into the following sections: — Khasi, Synteng or Pnar, “War, Bhoi, and Lynngam.” These divisions represent collections of people inhabiting several tracts of the country and speaking dialects, although often deriving their origin from the Khasi roots.

During the first settlement stage in the present Khasiland, the Khasis reorganised the social system according to their genius and convenience. Most of the salient features still survive today. In his work, Gourdon speaks about the various divisions in the Khasi group. He divides the Khasis into the inhabitants of the central high plateau, Cherra and Nongstoin, Maharam, Mario, Nongkhlaw, and the neighbouring Siemships. The Khasi clans, or the ‘kurs’, had grown out of the Khasi family. Interestingly, all these clans have their ancestress. Gourdon gave several examples of such stories. The most interesting is the genesis of the great Diengdoh clan of Cherra. Gourdon had written the story with great sincerity and meticulousness, signifying how all Khasi clan's traditions were more or less of descent from some Kiaw or ancestress. Members of the Amwi clan, which is described as the oldest in the land, still survive in large numbers today. Many of their names are associated with a place or mother’s name. For instance, Khonglah is associated with Khonglah, a place named on the southern slopes of the Jaintia Hills. These stories, moreover, are remarkable in that they point to a Khasi migration from beyond the Kopili River to their present abode. The clans of the present day are nothing more or less than overgrown families; they are bound together by the religious tie of ancestor- worship in common and of a common tribal sepulchre, except in cases of clans that have, owing to their size, split up into several sub-divisions, like the Diengdoh clan; such such-divisions possessing their cromlechs. It has been mentioned that each of these clans is strictly exogamous, supporting the family origin theory. A Khasi can commit no greater sin than to marry within the tribe. Some clans are prohibited from intermarriage with other clans because such clans are of common descent. Tern or more clans are considered members of the same kith and kin. They are believed to have been connected or merged after the ancient contract or allegiance of kinship in the early settlement stage. Clans entered such allegiance for several reasons. The agreement was made for security or protection or to recognise common interests. These clans traced their descent to some ‘lawbens’ or ancestral mothers who made the agreement or Ka Jingiateh Kur. The Kharlor and Kharkongor clans were allied in this way, and so were the Khar Muti, Khar Buki and Nongneng clans, who were both in an indissoluble alliance by a similar process. The occasion of this allegiance of Kurs (clans) is called Kurja Kurdoh, which is celebrated with feastings and sacrificial observances, sealing the covenant.

State Organisation:

In his book, PRT Gourdon writes that the head of the Khasi State is the Siem or chief. Gourdon’s testimony about the Khasi state is primarily written in the early 20th century. A Khasi state is a limited monarchy, and the Siem’s powers are much circumscribed. According to custom, he can perform no act of any importance without first consulting and obtaining the approval of his durbar, upon which the state ‘mantris’ sit. This durbar must not be confused with the electoral durbar, which will be referred to later. It is an executive council over which the Siem presides and possesses judicial powers. In some states, there are village headmen, styled Sirdars, who settle cases, collect labour, and assess and receive for the chief the 'pynsukh’, which may be translated as 'gratification.’ Gourdon also further writes that in the Khasi Hills, no land revenue, tithes, or other imposts were levied upon the cultivator’s produce. The land was primarily the property of the different clans and villages, although, in some instances, there were estates owned by private persons. The chief was entitled to receive the income that arose from what is known as the raj or state lands only. However, Siem’s principal source of income in all the Khasi States was the toll (khrong), which he took from those who sold at the markets in his territory. As the Khasis were great traders, these tolls were often reasonably valuable in larger markets. Generally, a man called ‘lyngskor’ is Siem’s agent who governs a collection of villages. The Siem appoints him with the consent of the adult males of the villages he supervises. Whereas the Jaintia Hills, which were British territory, were divided into twenty doloiships, the doloi being an officer elected by the people, the Government reserved the right of approval or the reverse to the doloi’s appointment. The dolois, under the rules for the administration of justice in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, as well as the Sirdars of the British villages in the Khasi Hills, possessed certain judicial powers. They were assisted by officials known as pators, basan and sangots in the performance of their duties.

Religion:

Khasi religion is both theistic and animistic, though initially, it was monotheistic. Traditions maintain that God -Creator (U Blei Nongthaw) was first worshipped. But later, it was polluted with animistic beliefs. Animistic rites consist mainly of the following: cult of fertility, worship of mountain and river spirits, divination, glorification of the ancestors, and other allied elements. The religion of the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather, the propitiation of spirits, both good and evil, on certain occasions, principally in times of trouble. The religion of the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather, the propitiation of spirits, both good and evil, on certain occasions, principally in times of trouble.

Cult of Fertility: These are essential rites associated with cultivation practised in the Jaintia and North Khasi Hills. They have much in common with the fertility rites of the Boros and Bihu festivals of the Assamese, and thus, it can be maintained that the Khasis had long observed and practised these fertility rites. In the central Khasi plateau, fertility rites have disappeared, though in the Bhoi and Jaintia Hills, they still constitute important ceremonies of local people.

The Nartiang rites performed regularly have to do with fertility. The process of the Nartiang rites generally includes:

(a) In March, the Kvia Khang is observed; a pig and a cock are sacrificed.

(b) Before the sowing of seeds, another sacrifice called Ka Knia Lyngdoh is observed; in this, a cock is offered to the deity.

(c) In June, Ka Knia Kupli or propitiation of the Kupli water-goddess, is held; the goddess is appeased with a pig and a cock; the sacrifice is held near the Umkoi, a pond which represents the water-goddess.

(d) Then follows Ka Knia Umtisong, which consists of the sacrifice of pigs and cocks.

(e) In July, these sacrifices — Knia Pyrthat (appeasement of a thunder-spirit), pyrdong shnong and Knia Khlam are held. In these sacrifices, pigs and cocks are offered to the gods.

The Khasis do not practise headhunting in connection with human sacrifice, as did the other Hill tribes of Assam and NEFA. However, with the advent of tantrism at Jaitiapur, human sacrifice was conducted for the Kali goddess. Human sacrifice to the Kali was observed at Jaintiapur, the Hindu Poojah house at Nartiang, and, some say, at Borkhat. Natural phenomena exercised a tremendous influence upon primitive minds. Sacred groves preserved all over the country indicate that deities were worshipped in the form of mountain and river spirits. Sacrifices of animals are still performed to propitiate the Kupli river deity at Shangpung, Sutnga, Nongkhlieh, etc. A pond called Bir Jympa at Nartiang was constructed as a symbol, and at Nongkhlieh, the sacrifice is performed at Pam-lum, where the sacrifices of the Sukhlain, Pymgap and Dkhar clans conduct the ceremony. Water deities in Jaintia are numerous and at Nartiang, Umtisong the water deity is identified with the Kupli. Another god, U Blai Khre, along with the pyrda goddess, are propitiated at Sutnga. The Dhongjhep goddess is also allied to Kupli. Other festivals carried out on the banks of the Umiurem and Myntdu streams are indirectly meant for the Kupli. Myntang River in the Jaintia Hills is also propitiated by goat sacrifices annually. All these water spirits appear to have fallen under the hegemony of the Kupli of the female or Iale (her son) of the male sex. In Nartiang, in addition to the fertility rites, there are other sacrifices, such as Knia Umtisong, performed in June in honour of a damsel, the fairy of the Umtisong lake. The Kupli rite is performed in the same month at Umkoi Bir Jympa, a pool symbolising a great water goddess (Kupli). The rite is observed at the time of the removal of weeds from the fields under cultivation. In July, Knia Pyrthat as the propitiation of the thunder-spirit is observed, and in the same month, Pyrdong shnong and another sacrifice, Knia Khlam, as a means of preventing epidemics and plague are observed. Thang Bula in November at Nartiang corresponds to sacrifices to enrich the harvests.

A pantheon of powerful deities resides in the heart of Meghalaya, where mist-shrouded peaks pierce the heavens. Foremost among them is the formidable Shillong god, an immense power and reverence figure. He is propitiated with sacrifices by members of the Syiem’s family (Khyrim) and by some priestly clans of Nongkrem and others over the peak. Propitiation to this god started long before the foundation of the Shillong Syiemship, and Pah Syntiew, the progenitor of the royal family, is fabled to be his daughter. The Kyllang rock is an abode of another warrior deity, who, according to the traditions, fought a valiant battle against another deity of the Symper rock. Both are appeased. The Kyllang is said to be the deity of storms, and the convulsion of cyclones signals his fierce moods. The law-paw goddess (law-paw hill) is said to be Symper’s sister (law is attributed to the female sex as ancestral female progenitor). The Swer Peak is another renowned deity propitiated by the members of the Swer family. The Syiems of the Western States propitiated the Rilang River in the West in the past—a religious fishing festival observed simultaneously by the Syiems of the West on its banks. The festival contains the decapitation of a goat at the respective Syiem’s party (as its central feature); the ceremony is over, and hundreds of fishermen come out on their boats and start fishing and casting down their nets.

Market festivals in the Jaintia Hills called Knia long Raid or festivals associated with the locality are still held. The main festival at Shangpung is performed for these deities — (1) Kupli, (2) Lale, (3) Lakhumah and (4) blai Mawshai (the latter, a market deity).

The practice of divination to ascertain something auspicious or otherwise or establish crime was a very ancient system of the Khasis, and it was commonly used. Breaking eggs has been the most popular and universally adopted method among the various devices. After rubbing the egg with red soil, the Khasi diviner (Nongshat or Bath mat) seeks to read the auguries by breaking the egg and examining the shells on the wooden board.

Another critical aspect of the Khasi religion is the glorification of the dead. Ancestor worship involves appeasing the deceased ancestors with food and other material offerings. Therefore, it was intimately associated with the funeral ceremonies and the megalithic erections. The underlying belief is that the chief ancestors and progenitors of the house or groups of families forming a clan should be appeased, for they have become supernatural beings, partners with God, having the power to aid, assist and bless their descendants to grow, thrive and prosper. The Khyrim Syiems performed acts of propitiation to Ka Pah Syntiew, their ancestral mother, at the annual Nongkrem dance and acts of homage with propitiation to the dead were conducted by the Suthga Syiems and other royal and priestly families and in general by all Khasi clans. These rites continue to be performed by the people all over the country. Male progenitors — U Suidnia (maternal uncle), U Thawlang (father) and the female progenitor, Ka Jnwbei, were held in high regard and extreme reverence because they had assumed the character of supernatural beings and because they left their marks upon the life of their descendants.

In his work, Gourdon gave a fascinating insight into the culture of Khasi priesthood. He says the Khasi priest is usually called Lyngcloh, or langdoh; he is permanently appointed from the Lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word Lyngdoh is told by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be lan = together and doh= flesh. A Lyngdoh, or lang doh, collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh to sacrifice. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is doubtful, owing to the absence of the prefix nong in the word Lyngdoh, which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides lyngdohs, there are sohblei or soh-sla, who may also be said to be priests. Unlike the Hindus, the Khasis have no p'urohit or priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through the agency of the kni, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently well-versed in the details of sacrifices and in the art of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from family and clan sacrifices, there are sacrifices for the good of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it is the duty of the Lyngdoh to perform. He may be said to be the priest of the communal religion. However, he has specific responsibilities concerning offences committed against the social law of marriage and the eating out of evil spirits from houses that may be infested with them.

Marriage:

Marriage consists mainly of the citations of marriage addresses between the two parties' representatives (Ki Ksiang or Knit). The marriage ceremony varies from place to place. Significantly, Christian Khasis marry using their Christian methods, whereas the non-Christian Khasis generally prefer their age-old customs to get married. Three marriage ceremonies are prevalent amongst the Khasis, which are (a) Pynhiarsynjat, (b) Lamdoh, and (c) Iadih-kiad, respectively. The first and second forms mentioned above are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to by the very poor who cannot afford the more significant expense entailed by the first two ceremonies. According to Hamlet Bareh, love marriage is the most prevalent. An engagement is a pre-marriage requisite where the party of the male meet those of the female at her residence, and the male hands over a ring to the girl. In a few cases, we find an exchange of engagement rings. Princes usually employed the ladies called Meh Suh Syntiew (or flower decorators) to act as negotiators or go-between. During the engagement, the spokesmen of the two parties exchange addresses to cement the matrimonial union, and the marriage date is fixed.

On the wedding day, the bridegroom, accompanied by the elders of his family and his comrades, set out to the bride's house, where the marriage ceremony will be solemnised. No female Kurs, i.e. mothers, sisters, aunts, or nieces, go with him. On setting out the bridegroom, he is blessed by his mother and aunts and performs a ceremonial march around his mother's house. A few men from the party of the female come out to fetch the bridegroom at a distance from her house. On reaching the bride’s house, a cordial welcome address is cited by the uncles of the bride; an exchange of betels takes place between the two parties. The Kniis or Ksiangs, their spokesmen, give an exchange of addresses, and the exchange of rings between the couple follows. The marriage contracts are solemnly cited. The Ksiang from the male side announces that he has brought the bridegroom to be united to his bride's house. The Ksiang from the female side welcomes the bridegroom and explains that his primary duty is to remain united with his wife through bright and dark days and sickness and health. The priest or sacrificer pours libations from the two respective vessels as a token of the marriage links. The priest following takes three pieces of dried fish in his hands. He addresses the goddess Synshar to bless and guide the couple so that they may perform good deeds and live happily, secure prosperity and wealth, have many offspring, and get their daily bread and make a good living. The marriage ceremony is finalised by placing the dried fish upwards on the roof to be removed not until the birth of their first baby. It is customary that a part of the expense incurred in feasting is borne by the bridegroom, who always presents a wedding dress and rings to his life partner. However, a significant portion of the expense generally falls on the shoulders of the bride’s family. The Lyngngam marriage system is an exception to the Khasi because polygamy seems to exist to a certain degree amongst the Lyngngams, i.e. a Lyngngam can marry more than one wife. At Nartiang, some differences exist: the bride goes out with her attendants on the day before marriage to see her cousins (kha) and not kurs or those associated with her mother’s ancestry. She sets out, takes a bundle of rice cakes and sweets, and distributes them to her cousins. She gives five bundles to her father’s house; to her nearest cousins, she provides three, and to the rest, each two. In Jowai, marriage is performed at night.

The congregation witnesses the ceremony, which generally starts with la lum i’u tang or the opening of the marriage contract. A Longknii, the avuncular spokesman from the groom's side, narrates that he has brought his boy to be united with the girl. Next follows the Sko kiad i,e. pouring of libations from the two vessels symbolising the union of the couple. The pouring of libations from two gourds is a feature in almost all forms of Khasi marriage. By midnight, the congregation moves away, leaving the couple alone. The bridegroom takes out the erandi cloth (ryndia tlem) he brought to spend the night with her on the mat.

Marriage ceremonies regarding details and formalities differ from place to place. A marriage ceremony is conducted at night in a few places, such as Jowai. The bridegroom setting off from one village to another (where the bride lives) is accompanied by his friends and relatives (only males). The members of the party attending the groom leave the bride’s residence the next day at noon. The husband cannot suddenly leave her or her parent's dwelling but should remain with her for at least a week. He may spend one day at her parents' fields. The week is over, and he can move with his wife if a pre-plan is made that she accompanies him to another place (associated with his work or enterprise). Kongors marrying female syiems are fetched on the horse accompanied by men clad in luxurious costumes with drums and pipes announcing the bridegroom’s march into the bride's house. After three days of marriage, as it occurs at Cherra, the couple go to the husband’s mother, giving her fruits, bananas and cakes made of pounded rice. The mother blesses them. The bride's dress usually consists of clothes with white raiment, but the body is covered with a wedding wrapper. A groom wears a sleeveless coat covering the body, a turban on his head, and a dhoti covering the thighs and legs.

Food and Drink:

Rice forms the staple food of the Khasi tribe. The Khasis generally take their meal thrice a day. They are fond of meat like beef, mutton, chicken, and pork in addition to the meat of wild animals like deer, hares, bears, etc., which are their favourites. Unlike other tribes, they do not eat horses, snakes, dogs, rats, and frogs. In observing taboos, some families do not eat certain kinds of meat commonly used by other people. A specific section of the Pnars do not take beef; perhaps they share the Hindu belief in reverence for the cows owing to the Brahmanical influence from Jaintiapur. This is more evident among the Nartiang residents who prohibit the passage of any person carrying beef through their areas. Yet this is not a general practice in Jaintia Hills because residents in Jowai used to sacrifice cows; at present, many of them eat beef. Another clan, the Nongsteng, do not eat a kind of fish called Chitor because they believe their ancestral mother had a fabulous origin from that fish. Similarly, the Nongkhlaw and Sutnga Syiems were prohibited from eating the Kha Khlur, a silvery colour fish, in the past because their ancient progenitor was born in the form of that fish. Curries are various. The Khasis prepare a special rice meal from pork and chicken called Pulau and Ja doh in high entertainment. The most favourite dish is a soap curry prepared from pig’s head.

The varieties of Kiad (liquors) are lad hear, lad Um, and lad Thang; fresh rice or millet is first boiled with water to prepare Iad hair. Afterwards, the boiled portion is spread over a mat, and the yeast is mixed in. In the next stage, the boiled portion of rice mixed with yeast is picked up in a well-covered vessel. It is again boiled, and by means of fermentation, the water portion is brought down into another vessel through a pipe. The water portion, when cooled down, serves as liquor. The accumulated rice portion, called Jyndem, is used as fodder for pigs.

Dresses and Ornaments:

The Khasis generally used a wide variety of garments in the past, (1) Spur — a kind of cloth made of cotton fibre; (2) Barkapor — a yarn of cloth used as cloak or wrapper, (3) lainspong, a pagri (turban), headdress of men, (4) Thaindop, a waist girdle of smaller size, (5) Jainpien, a full waist cover, both embroidered and non-embroidered, (6) Jainkup a wrapper in plain colour and a khyrwang, a wrapper (dyed with endi and muga fibres), (7) Tapmoh, a headdress of ladies made of endi cloths, when dyed in red and yellow colours, it is called ryndia tlem, (8) Jainsem an outer garment for the whole body used by women fastened at two sides of the body; men sometime used this type as dhoti, (9) Jainkhor, a kind of costume made of silk threads and dyed in red, yellow, white, green and grey colours, and (10) Jainat a girdle used for carrying babies on the body.