Distribution:

The Oraons are majorly concentrated in the Indian state of Jharkhand. They form the largest indigenous population of the state, comprising almost 20% of the total population. The Oraons are found in Ranchi, Gumla, Lohardaga, Latehar, Palamu, Garhwa, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad, Santhal Pargana and Singhbhum districts. The Oraons of West Bengal have their largest concentration in the Jalpaiguri district (55%), and most of them live and work in the tea gardens of this district, which stretches in a long strip from east to west in the Duars and Terai in the sub-Himalayan West Bengal. In almost every tea garden of this district, the Oraons form a significant part of the labour force.

Language:

While Oraons refer to themselves as the Kurukh, Kurukh is also the name of the language spoken by them. As per the 2011 census, it is spoken by 19,88,350 persons in India and 9,52,164 persons in Jharkhand. Kurukh was originally transmitted across generations through oral traditions, customary practices, and cultural institutions. The Adivasi litterateurs of the contemporary period refer to Kurukh oral narratives as ancestral literature or ‘Purkha Sahitya.’ n the colonial period, efforts were made by missionaries to record Kurukh as a language with a distinct grammar. Rev. F Batsch of the Gossner Evangelical Lutheran [hereafter GEL] Mission was the first to prepare a grammar of the Kurukh language in the Roman script in 1852. Other missionaries of the GEL Mission like Rev. A. Nottrott and Rev. F. Hahn also learned and documented Adivasi languages while documenting different facets of Adivasi culture. Hahn, who lived in the largely Oraon-inhabited region of Lohardaga, wrote Kurukh Grammar in 1900 and the Kurukh-English Dictionary, Part I, in 1903; in addition, he transliterated Oraon folktales and published these in 1905 as Kurukh Folk-lore in the Original. Along with Hahn, W.G Archer, then Sub-divisional officer at Gumla, and Dharmadas Lakra collected hundreds of Kurukh songs of the Oraons. These were published in a collection titled The Blue Land, the Kurukh version of which was Leelkhora Khekhel. Since language is a marker of Oraon identity, the importance attributed to the Kurukh language has increased more recently. Journals have been published in Kurukh: while Bij Binko was the first journal published in Kurukh in 1940, this was followed by Bolta in 1949, Dhumkuria in 1950, and Kurukhan in 1962. There has also been a search for a unique script for Kurukh. After several failed attempts over the years, a medical practitioner, Narayan Oraon, developed in 1999 the Tolong Siki script for this language. This script was promoted by the ‘Kurukh Literary Society’, created to promote Kurukh language and culture in 2006. This society has been instrumental in approaching the government to accept the Tolong Siki script; it also distributes books in this script to schools, organises seminars for its popularisation, and engages Oraons in rural areas for its propagation. Teaching Kurukh at universities became visible after a ‘Tribal and Regional Language’ (TRL) Department was established in 1980 at Ranchi University. Ranchi University was the first state university of undivided Bihar to have a TRL department where five Adivasi languages (Kurukh, Santali, Mundari, Kurukh, Ho and Kharia) and four regional languages (Nagpuri, Khortha, Kurmali and Panchpargania) were taught. Later, with the formation of the separate state of Jharkhand in 2000, Kurukh was taught in two other universities.

The Oraons live with other Adivasi communities in a multilingual setting. Their language is affected by neighbouring languages and is often mixed with words from Hindi, English, Mundari, and Sadri. Further, Oraons in Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura have adopted Sadri or Nagpuri as their primary language of communication.

Social Structure:

The present social organisation of the Oraons is, is the archaic organisation of the ancient Oraon hunting communities, adapted to the needs of the more complex agricultural village communities of later days. Totemism, which was the basis of the social and political organisation of the Oraons in what may be roughly called the hunting and pastoral stages of Oraon culture, still forms the fundamental feature of their social organisation in so far as kinship, marriage, and relations of the sexes are concerned. For purposes of exogamy, the whole tribe is to this day divided into several clans or gotras. Although the members of an Oraon clan do not believe in their actual descent from their totem animal or plant, they regard themselves as descendants of a common ancestor and, as such, blood relatives between whom marriage or sexual intercourse is not permissible. Although an Oraon will strongly protest that such a union is incest (a ‘brother-sister union,’ as he calls it), which can never be permitted, the genealogical method of inquiry will occasionally reveal an instance here and there of such endogamous union.

As we have seen, the clan's exogamous kinship group still forms the foundation of the Oraons' social system. Morgan calls the Oraon kinship system ‘classificatory’, but Dr. V. V. H. R. Rivers more appropriately calls it the ‘clan’ system. The fundamental feature of this system is the application of the same kinship term in addressing most, though not all, persons of the same generation and sex. Thus, the Oraon addresses as ‘ba’ (father) not only his male parent but also all whom that parent would call brothers.

In time, the Oraons also came to recognise an artificial form of relationship, which they termed village-relationship (gao-nata). With the establishment of agricultural villages and the population expansion, the solidarity of the totemic clan was gradually impaired and ultimately lost. Each clan came to be scattered over a large area, and villages established by different branches of the same clan came to be separated by intervening villages founded by members of other clans. Communication gradually ceased between different villages of the same clan that were thus separated from one another by great distances, dangerous jungles, and settlements of other clans often hostile. In time, the settlers of an Oraon village came to be arranged in two social groups—the ‘Bhumiars’ or original settlers, and the ‘Gairos’ or later settlers not belonging to the original village family. The Bhumiars, in their turn, came to be subdivided into two and sometimes three functional sub-divisions known as ‘khunts.’ The Gairos or non-Bhumihars were divided into two sub-classes: the jeth-raiyats and the ordinary raiyats.

Family Life:

The Oral tribe is patrilocal and patrilineal. And its reflection is thoroughly found in the family structure of the Oraons. Each Oraon family came to be a property-owning unit of which the father was the patriarchal head. Sarat Chandra Ray writes that there is a strong concept of ‘baenalas’ and ‘baenalis.’ (1) Although they live in the same house, they must behave towards each other almost as strangers. They may not touch, sit on the same mat or sit together, utter each other’s name, or even talk to each other except about unavoidable domestic or other affairs. The names of a husband and wife are taboo to each other. In addressing each other, the husband generally calls the wife the mother of ‘so-and-so’ and the wife calls the husband a father of ‘so-and-so.’ If, however, the pair is child¬ less, the husband often addresses the wife by some such epithet as ‘the deaf one’ (bahiri), ‘the tall one’ (dhongi) or ‘the short one’ (natri). Similarly, the wife addresses her husband as ‘bahira’ (deaf man) or ‘dhonga’ (tall man), although neither may be deaf or particularly tall or short in stature. There is a substantial similarity between certain Hindu traditions and this Oraon tradition. Similarly, some people’s names are considered a bad omen if pronounced within an hour or so after sunrise. In the cases of certain beasts and reptiles, substitutes for their names are used at night. Thus, a serpent is called a ‘rope,’ a tiger is called the ‘long-tailed’ thing (digha khola), and a sheep is called the ‘wool-covered’ 'thing (khani chutti).

When an Oraon female is with child, in some parts of the Oraon country, it is the custom to invite her father or brother to her husband’s place to perform the sacrificial ceremony of the ‘jodlkamna’ meant to prevent the evil spirits of her father’s village from doing her any harm. As we have seen, the Oraon method of reckoning descent is patrilineal, and the wife lives in the husband’s house, where the husband exercises Supreme authority over his family. The customary rules that regulate the devolution of property amongst the Oraons appear to have been determined partly, if not primarily, by their peculiar belief in the state of the human soul after death and partly by social and economic conditions.

Religion:

Oraon religion, like similar religions, is primarily concerned with ancestral and certain other disembodied souls, as well as natural spirits and deities. The Oraons believe in the existence of spiritual beings and the hierarchy of these beings. To an Oraon, Dharmes is the supreme spiritual being. He is followed by (pachbalar) ancestors and then the spirits. Dharmes is the creator and sustainer of man, the universe, ancestors, and spirits. He is referred to as Biri Belas or the Sun King. The Sun here is conceived only as a symbol, not the personification of nature. Next in the order of hierarchy are ancestors, who are forefathers concerned with the welfare of the living. In return, the living members discharge their filial duty towards them by offering food and sacrifices on various occasions. Spirits come next in importance. They are mysterious beings who operate in the supernatural realm of reality. Spirits are of nature and, therefore, act as guardians of nature. Seen in this role, they must be placated by offerings and sacrifices lest they destroy crops, forests, vegetation, and other natural resources. Spirits are a creation of God. They are good or bad as people maintain relations with them as enjoined by God.

Environmental features are essential in the creation story and their day-to-day religious beliefs and practices. To an Oraon, space is filled with spiritual beings. There are two types of space—cosmic and physical space. Only Dharmes lives in cosmic space viz. merxa (sky). As against this, other spirits are believed to dwell in specific parts of the land. These parts comprise hills and hillocks, dense trees and vegetation, and water resources such as rivers, tanks, wells, etc. The ancestor spirits, for example, are believed to reside in kundi (a pool of water or a stream marked by a long stone slab) of Bhumiari village, i.e. a village founded by an ancestor. Among these numerous spirits, some of them are more important. The spirit of the progenitor of the tribe is ‘chala pachcho’ (lady of sacred grove). She inhabits the holy grove or cluster of sal trees and is regarded as the spirit of the Oraon village. Other vital spirits are Darha, Chandi, Baranda, etc. Though the most dreaded of all village spirits, Darha is regarded as the village's guardian. Chandi is the spirit of war and hunting and assists in hunting expeditions. A rounded stone represents him.

He also recognises that natural causes, conditions, human effort, and human industry may ordinarily produce definite desired results. As the result of generations of observation of the processes of nature and through elementary reasoning based on such observation, this tribe, like other tribes on a similar level of culture, has accumulated a store of working knowledge concerning the effects of specific elementary mechanical processes, the apparent movements and functions of some of the heavenly bodies, the habits and haunts of animals and birds, the properties of plants, fruits and flowers, barks and roots, the nature and qualities of different kinds of soil and the variations of the weather. This modest lore constitutes the Oraon’s rudimentary science.

The priests entrusted with "the periodical propitiation" of the village deities of the Oraons is called Rahans (Oraon, Naigas) and, in some villages, Baigas. They generally have one or more assistants. The Oraons erect no temples except that in some villages, in intimation of Hindu practice, a small shed is erected for the Devi Mai or Mother-goddess, a deity borrowed from the Hindus. For the other principal village deities of the Oraon pantheon, one or more sal groves, now in some villages, dwindled into one or more solitary trees, constitute their shrine. Stones are generally employed as symbols of the Oraon deities, originally probably nature spirits, whereas wooden khuntas or pegs (consisting of worn away ploughs) with bits of iron nails pinned on top mark the seats of Oraon ghosts or human spirits. Whereas the Naigas (Pahan) or priest of the village deities must ordinarily belong to the aboriginal Pahan family, any Oraon or non-Oraon who feels called to the profession by psychic temperament inducing a vision of the god Mahadeo Dr some other god or spirit, may set himself up as a Bhagat or Sokha.

The Oraons interestingly order their ritual, music, and dance according to nature’s signal. For example, Khaddi/Sarhul, one of the most important festivals of the Oraons, is celebrated when sal trees are in full blossom and branches of white flowers dominate the rural landscape. In this festival, a symbolic marriage of Dharmes (symbolised by the sun) with khekhel (earth) is enacted. An Oraon marriage seldom takes place in the summer or rainy season. Oraon songs evoke not only childhood, youth, or past events but also forests, mountains, rivers, paddy fields, grains, flowers, etc. Virginus Xaxa (2) further writes that nature and natural phenomena also occupy a central place in Oraon rituals, festivals, and customs. In the festival of Khaddi/Sarhul, a cluster of sal trees and a sacred grove act as a place of worship and cult. Not only the place but even the trees standing there assume importance. Grains used for ritual are generally spread at the foot of the sal trees.

A tree, plant, flower, or a specific place becomes essential in other festivals. An upland or flat rocky place is generally selected for the ‘tusgo’ ceremony. In the ‘kadleta’ festival, paddy seedlings are brought to the room where the spirits of ancestor’s dwell. In jatra, marriage or burial, trees occupy a very significant place. Jatras generally take place under large mango groves in the vicinity of the village. For marriage, the Oraons erect a marwa that entails planting nine sal branches in three lines. The middle branch of the second row differs in height and is planted with branches of bamboo, sidha, bhelwa, mango and mahua trees. The mango branches suggest perpetuity of descendants, the bamboo symbolises progeny, bhelwa protection and the mahua love between husband and wife. Sidha, on the other hand, represents fertility. Branches of karam and sal also form an integral part of the burial custom among the Oraons.

Economic Condition:

Agriculture, which is the principal occupation of the bulk of the people, does not, as we have seen, provide the average Oraon cultivator with the means of supporting himself and his family throughout the year and paying his dues to Ids landlord. As we have seen, jungle fruit and edible roots supplement his agricultural food store. He must borrow money or paddy at usurious interest in years of stress. The poorer Oraon must find employment for a son or a nephew as ‘dhangar’ to a more well-to-do fellow tribesman or even a non-Oraon. Sarat Chandra Roy further writes that from many an Oraon family, one or more members go every year to work in Calcutta or the labour districts soon after they harvest their low land paddy in September, October, or November and return home in April or May. Oraons in Chotanagpur, especially women, are investing in spinning cotton products. Oraon young men are skilful at hemming garments with a bamboo needle called ‘thathra.’ They make decorative borders on their clothes with red thread, generally using floral patterns. The Oraons themselves make fishing nets with the help of a bamboo shuttle.

Food:

The Oraon is an agrarian community. Their staple food is rice, which they eat with dishes containing edible leaves. They generally prefer watered rice. Well-to-do Oraons also take dal and vegetable curry with rice. All Oraons except Bhagat Oraons were almost omnivorous. But now, nearly all of them abstain from taking those items which are considered unclean by high caste Hindus. They are fond of taking fish. Edible fruits, roots, and tubers collected from the nearby forests supplement their diet. They generally do not milk the cows or take milk or milk products. However, with the contact of Hindu castes, milk is gaining popularity among them. The Oraon takes rice bear, ‘mahua’ liquor and tobacco powder both in ritual and festive occasions and in their daily life. Rice bear, popularly known as ‘Handia,’ is their favourite traditional drink. It is homemade. Guests and relatives are offered rice bears. The feasts, festivities, marriage ceremony and other rituals are celebrated with the consumption of the rice bear. At times, it is also purchased from neighbours and local markets. Both Oraon men and women like to chew tobacco powder mixed with lime. They also smoke country-made cigarettes and tobacco rolled in sal leaf, locally known as bidi; now bidi and cigarettes are gaining popularity among the educated and urbanised Oraons.

Music and Dance:

The most colourful and popular dance of the Oraon is the Karma dance, usually performed in the Karama Festival, observed in September-October. In this festival, they worship the branches of the Karama tree. Dhampla and Jhanja are two musical instruments used by the Oraons during the dance and the festival. The dances of Oraons consist of three stages commencing with Jadur. This is arranged to seek a life partner. The second stage is the Sarhul dance, organised at the end of the spring to celebrate marriage. The last stage is the Kharia dance during the Phagu festival to seek blessings for the newlywed.

(1) A man’s younger brother’s wives and his wife’s elder sisters are his ‘baenalis’ , and a woman’s husband’s elder brothers ( in a classificatory sense) and her younger sisters’ husbands are ‘baenalases’ to her, and her husband’s elder sisters ( in a classificatory sense ) and her younger brothers’ wives are her ‘baenalis’. The compound terms ‘baenalas’ and ‘bae-nali’ are composed of the words ‘baena,’ meaning strange, and ‘alas’ (man) or ‘ali’ (woman.)

(2) XAXA, VIRGINIUS. “Oraons: Religion, Customs and Environment.” India International Centre Quarterly 19, no. 1/2 (1992): 101–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23002223.