Habitat:

Bihar now claims Santal Parganas, Bhagalpur, Monghyr, Manbhum, Hazaribagh and Singbhum; Mayurbhanj and Balasore now fall within Orissa; and Birbhum, Bankura and Midnapore still belong to Bengal, fall within the area, and form the habitat of different aboriginal tribes, of whom the Santals are a vital community. The Santal settlements are distributed over 350 miles from the Ganges to the Baitarani, fairly bisected by the 87" Eastern Longitude. The principal hill range in this region is the Rajmahal hills. As per the latest statistics, around 6.5 million Santals reside in this region, making them the third largest tribe in India.

Language:

Santali is India's most widely spoken Austro-Asiatic language and one of its officially recognised minority languages, but it still lacks public recognition. The Santali language owes its birth to the Munda language system. In the states where Santali is spoken, little public education is offered in the language, often seen as a dialect. Before turning to the emergence of Santal written texts, we should note that Santal oral forms constitute a universe of discourse. The Santals are fond of their language and love to play with words. Santal Indigenous theory of speech defines a vast range of registers of discourse, which revolve around the idea that the tribal deities—bongos—lost their original language when fighting each other. Humans try to recreate this divine speech, forging metaphors and narratives. Even today, traditional speech events mark important occasions among Santals, such as celebrating past heroes. In brief, the introduction of writing and the development of narratives have not tarnished the prestige of orality and the power of speech. Among the Santal and other Mundari groups, indigenous knowledge as the knowledge of the ancestors (hapram ko bidia) revolves around two dimensions: the emergence of historical consciousness and a shared identity related to language.

Since Santali speakers have lived among speakers of Indo-European languages for centuries, most Santals are bilingual or trilingual in various Indo-European languages. Since 1867, the Santals in many parts of Bhutan, India, and Nepal have been said to frequently use an extended form of Latin or Roman language in their occasional use of scriptural writings. The British tried to influence them in their sociocultural and religious activities after the ceasefire of the direct conflict with the Santals. Thus, the Romanization of the Santali script became essential at that time. Missionaries such as L. O. Skrefsrud and, later, his prolific protégé Paul Olaf Bodding developed a Roman script for writing Santali, claiming it was linguistically superior to the Indic scripts used previously. As early as 1874, the Norwegian mission had started a printing press at its central station at Benagaria in what is now Dumka district, Jharkhand, publishing bibles, Christian hymnals, and transcriptions of Santali oral histories and folksongs, as well as a Roman script magazine. This allowed the Roman script to circulate broadly among Christian and non-Christian Santals and helped connect the mission's far-flung settlements. Both Christian and non-Christian Santals continue to write in the Roman script, with some of the Santali language's longest-running publications, such as the Calcutta-based Nawa Ipil (New Star) and 'Jugsirjol', published in the script. At the same time as the Roman script was being developed, Santals were also modifying the Indic scripts used for writing Santali. In 1890, Majhi RamdasTudu published Kherwal Bongsho Dharam Puthi, the earliest known non-mission publication in Santali, which outlined the traditional ritual practices of the Santal community (Kherwal) using a modified Eastern Brahmi script. In the post-independence era, the Santals residing in different states of India started using the language script of their respective state in their writing in Santali as opposed to the Roman script.

Consequently, the West Bengal Santals have the Bengali form of the Santali language. At the same time, the Santals of Orissa have used the Oriya script. The most significant intervention came around the 1930s when a Santal schoolteacher named Raghunath Murmu from the eastern Indian state of Orissa developed an independent script for Santali, which he called Ol-Chiki 'writing symbol'. The script was designed to provide a non-Roman, non-Indic alternative for writing Santali and served to unify Santals across political and graphic boundaries. With the development of this script, there was also a cry for creating a separate state, which would be carved out of West Bengal, Orissa and Bihar and mostly incorporate the forest areas with several indigenous populations like the Santhals. The ol' chiki movement mobilised Santal youth, and volunteers taught the script to children and adults in Odisha. In the 1960s, the government of Odisha recognised the script and sponsored schoolbooks printed in ol' chiki. Ol' chiki is probably the only tribal script that has established itself significantly in printing, teaching, and distribution. Through journals and other publications, it has strengthened the status of Santali in the public sphere and aided its recognition as one of the 13 officially recognised minority languages in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution of 2003. During the last 30 years, Santal associations and the Santali press have been popularising various forms of literature in different scripts, 66 ranging from short stories to novels, poetry, drama, and village theatre, building a cultural awareness which aids Santals and other Adivasis to resist assimilation.

Family structure:

Among the Santals, two types of families can be seen:

The individual family consists of fathers, sons, and daughters. The second consists of grandfather, grandmother, sons, their wives, daughters (unmarried) and grandchildren, equivalent to the Hindu "joint family." The Maori call it "Whanau", which corresponds to the German "Gross Familie."

There is a third type in which the son-in-law is taken as a son in the father-in-law's family. It is also called 'Ghardi-Jawae.' Suppose there are grown-up daughters and minor sons in the family. In that case, the son-in-law works for five years without wages for his father-in-law. He gets two buffaloes, rice, and agricultural implements to establish a family with his wife. In the individual family, the father is the 'pater familias'. In contrast, in the other types, the grandfather or any other senior member is generally the head of the family. Kinship relationships are classified into two groups, viz. bandhupela, i.e., the affinal kins related by marriage and kutumpela, i.e., the consanguineal kins related by blood. Both the kin groups participate in all socio-religious functions of the family.

Social Structure:

P.C. Biswas, in his phenomenal survey monograph on the Santals, writes that the internal structure of the Santal tribe is singularly complex and elaborate. There are several exogamous divisions called 'parishes' (septs). Biswas collected ten names at Dumka. Sir Herbert Rishley has noted twelve septs among the Santhals: Hansdak, Murmu, Kisko, Hemrom, Saren, Tudu, Baske, Besra, Pauria, Chore, Marandi, Bedea. The septs mentioned above (parishes) are again subdivided into sub-septs (Khunts). In the 'Horkoren Mare Hapramko Reak Katha' by P.O. Bodding, it is written that the spets, Hansdak, Murmu, Kisku, Hemrom, Marandi, Soren, Tudu are believed to be descended from the seven sons of the first ancestors, Pilchu Haram and Pilchu Burui. The five others have been added afterwards as an inferior moiety.

Charulal Mukherjee also notices in his work that the sub-clans of the parent clan can marry into the other sub-clans, provided they do not have the same totem. Thus, a Nij-Tudu can marry a Lat' Tudu unless there are other local bars, of which sometimes there is no end. Marriage outside the clan proper is the most welcome. Still, regard must be had to some traditional enmities as between the Besras and the Tudus, Kiskus vs. Marndis, and Santalia is replete with tales and legends of lads and lasses of such Capulets and Montagues creating a zig-saw puzzle for their parents and the clans in general.

Interestingly, it is also noted that offences against the food taboos of the clans and sub-clans are tried by the members constituting it. Thus, if a Nij-Hansdak' eats a Raj-hans, their totem, there is bound to be a gathering of all Nij-Hansdak's along with a Tika Murmu (the Santal equivalent for a Brahmin for such purposes) for ceremonial expiation of the erring soul. Upon payment of a certain amount, a cup of bell metal, and a napkin (to be received by the Tika Murmu), he can be restored to his clan. Although divided into many clans and sub-clans, the Santals do not observe any caste system as the Hindus. Although the Murmus are called Thakurs and are generally selected as priests of the tribe (in preference to others), they dine with anyone within the tribal fold and marry anywhere within the permitted grades. But it differs from the Santal's custom to take rice or water from the Dekos (non-Santals). Although, over time, some clans claim some superiority over others, no rigours of castes are noticeable. But as we have observed, the same does not hold good regarding non-Santals. Santal boys and girls, after their marriage, are prohibited by strict regulation from dining with the Dekos except for the Kurmbis, Hos and Bhumij. Thus, they maintain their purity from defilement, employing a rigorous taboo.

There is no class stratification among the Santals. But we can't escape from saying there is no division- the division is there based on occupation. There are seven communities among Santals, each representing a different occupation, and divisions are created based on it, such as Hindu 'caste stratification'. But there is no sort of inequality based on differences that persist among Santals, unlike Hindus. The 'Mandi' represents 'landlord', 'Kisku' represents 'Raja', i. e king, 'Soren' represents 'Shipai', i.e police, 'Hazra' represents 'Judje', 'Tudu' represent 'recreation', and 'Murmur' represent 'jogare' i.e. act as a helper during various ritual.

Religion and festivals:

The traditional Santal religion is called the "Sarna" or the Sari dharma or 'bongaism'. According to the 2001 census, 21% of the Santal population recorded their religion as the Sarna. The Santals live in harmony, with the surroundings having no temple and stooping to no idol made by his hands for worship. The Santals live like children in rapport with their surroundings, the hill, the dale, the spring, or the grove being the objects of reverential fear. As the Santals believe, the' bongos' are sometimes friendly beings but most often mischievous and trouble-makers. The supreme deity in the traditional Santal religion is centred around the "Thakur jiu". The supreme being in the eyes of a Santal is not a bonga but stands above all. The Santals hold that the Thakur Jiu is the creator and sustainer of the universe and is a benevolent spirit. Although Thakur Jiu has no specific worship, he is revered in critical religious festivals and occasions. Also, he is specially invoked during natural calamities, whereby a white fowl is sacrificed in his name. Sometimes, the supreme deity is also referred to as the Cando. The educated Santals, living under Hindu influence, will readily identify their Supreme Deity with the Hindu idea in the Upanishads.

Meanwhile, the Christian Santals will attribute Biblical ideas to him. One tiling, however, is clear. The Santal does not yet bother very much about the Supreme Deity, as he is too good to interfere with men and is a passive deity. Others identify Thakur Jiu as the traditions with Sin Bohga, the Sun-god, worshipped every tenth year by the Santals. However, the concept of Supreme Deity can only be associated with him.

Speaking of the 'bongos' or the village spirits, Sumita Saha, in her article, cites ten such village spirits. Under the first category falls the tutelary spirits such as the Maran Burru, Moreko-Turiko, Jaher Era, Gaosae Era, Pargana Bonga, and Manjhi Haram Bonga. The chief presiding deity of the Santals is "Maran Baru"('Marah' means excellent, and 'Burn,' hill). He is the Great Mountain of the Santal traditions. He is said to possess the broadest possible powers and is associated with crude and mischievous codlings. He must be offered a white fowl; if a goat is provided, it too must be white and uncastrated. He should be appeased with a liberal offer of rice beer during all Santal festivals and birth, death, and marriage ceremonies in the tribe. Meanwhile, Moreko-Turiko is said to preside over the village's welfare and control rain, crops, and epidemics during natural calamities. The Pargana bonga is believed to have special healing powers over sickness caused by witchcraft and to whom the 'kudum naeke' (priest assistance) propitiates through a sacrificial offering called the Bul Mayam.

Apart from the village spirits mentioned before, the Santals people revere their hills with numerous superhuman agencies called Pats. These powers inspire them with fear, and naturally, they are appeased so that they may not harm the Santals. In Charulal Mukherjea's monograph, he records an account of a Santal, Rup Narain Mahjht (Baske) of Pokhuridiha, Mayurbhanj. He says they worship around four kinds of pats: Berha pat, Mangar pat, Budha pahar, and Pauri pat. Amongst other Pats, lying distributed throughout Mayurbhanj, mention was made of ''Dagarsila," invoked during warfare. He is appeased by a red cock and an uncastrated goat. Mention should also be made of Sula Pat, whose aid is sought during litigation, epidemics amongst men or cattle, or droughts. This deity does not particularly like any colour of the fowls or goats to be sacrificed in his honour.

Other hill spirits are prevalent among the Santals. There are the tutelary bongs of the Ojhas, also called the Saket bongos. The others are supposed to have retained bongs that aid them in countering the forces of evil and sorceries. Examples of such bonds can be seen in the Bonga Luri Lora, which is invoked in the case of smallpox. Most of the Saket bongos are of Hindu origin. Then there are the Hindu deities or the Deko bongas; some Hindu deities are included in the Santal religious pantheon. Most of these bongas are invoked by the ojhas. These deities include Kali, Dibi (Durga), and Gaanga Mai. Occasionally, feasts, festivals, and fairs are arranged in their honour.

There are several important festivals and seasonal rites prevalent among the Santals. Among the Santals, the right to do puja, that is, the priest, is done by men, and women have no part in puja. It is like the Hindu practice. Also, there needs to be a concept of regular puja in the house done by them. However, only during crises (illness, monetary problems, and others) do puja in the house. Still, those can be done by the house's women or sometimes by pujari. The concept of pujari is not restricted to any community as in the Hindu system Brahmin. Instead, the occupation of 'pujari' is inherited through generations. For example, a 'Munda' community does puja in anyone's house/ community; these Munda communities' future generations will continue to do puja in their house when required. In her article, Sumita Saha further writes that the traditional Santal religion is very closely related to agriculture, so it is unsurprising that the Santals have many ceremonies and rituals that mark the different stages of the agricultural year. They perform inauguration and concluding rites before and after the main farming activities. During these rites, the village priest beseeches the benevolent bongos to shower their blessings on the village. In contrast, the kudu (assistant priests) appease the malignant bongos to avoid calamities. The annual community festivals of the Santals are Baha, Erok Sim, Hariar Sim Iri-Gundli-Nawai, Janthar, Sohrae and Magh Sim.

Economy and Profession:

The Santals are primarily agriculturalists. From early morning till evening, they work in their fields. Seasonal forest collection is one of the essential sources of subsidiary income. They collect minor forest produce like roots, fruits, tubers, green leaves, yams, honey, mahua flowers, etc., that sustain them for 3 to 4 months a year. They also collect fuel wood, medicinal herbs, grass, bamboo, and timber from the forest for daily use, such as building houses and making agriculture, hunting and fishing implements, cooking, treating diseases, etc. The women prepare leaf plates (patrakhali) and cups (phuluhdana) from sal leaves, make brooms from the grass, and sell them at the local market to supplement their income. The Santals occasionally hunt wild animals for flesh. During the lean or post-harvesting season, they go to the neighbouring industrial, mining, and urban areas to earn wages. They are experts in carpentry works, and this skill also helps them to supplement their livelihood. Charulal Mukherjee claims that the Santhals make a meagre income from agriculture monthly and often supplement it by working as industrial labour. Mukherjee also found that half of the Santal population was indebted towards the 'mahajan' or migrated as tea garden workers. A recent study was done on the "Living Conditions of the Urban Santhal Tribe- A Case Study in the Paschim Bardhaman District, West Bengal" by Madhuri Hooda, Chiranjit Sarkar and Neeru Rathee. That study showed that Santhal families face adversity due to high marginal labour and lack of permanent employment. They are facing many challenges in their daily lives. They lack access to healthy housing, sanitation, clean drinking water, etc. They are deprived of a good house, drinking water, education, employment opportunities, LPG for cooking, housing drainage, etc.

House:

Typical Santal cottages almost invariably stand on both sides of a straggling "kuihi" (village lane), where pigs squeal and fowls flutter about. Each cottage is a two or three-roomed affair. On the floor, corn is strewn to be aired. The mud plinth rises one to three cubits high, the average being a half cubit. It is beautifully blackened with a dye made of burnt straw plastered with cow dung. The walls of the houses are made of bamboo or "sal" logs and are generally plastered over with a thick coat of mud on both sides. Jutting out into the lane are the pig styes and poultry yard. The room at the entrance is the "Gohal" (cattle shed). Almost invariably, a stench will repel one's olfactory nerves, but then one must not forget that the Santals, like the Hindus, almost worship the cows. The first item in their annual Harvest festival is the "Gohal puja," when the cows are anointed with vermilion and adored as their best earthly possession. There, one will find the oil-press and the rice-husking "dhenki.'' A separate outer house can be found in the more affluent homes, providing the combined kitchen and poultry yard service. A separate outer house can be found in the more affluent houses, which provides the combined service of a kitchen and poultry yard. Drinking water drawn from the neighbouring springs is stored in earthen pitchers, about two cubits and a half in height, and kept in a conspicuous place.

Food Habits:

P.C. Biswas writes that the Santals eat almost everything. There is often a prevalent humour amongst their neighbouring communities that "…the Santals would survive even in a place where a rat would starve to death." Boiled rice is the staple food of the Santals. They eat almost all the available kinds of fish and crabs and have a great relish for meat, which they preserve in a way of their own. Fowl is a luxury to be eaten on festive occasions and when a guest arrives in the house. As a delicacy, one may find a food called 'Jil Pitha' or meat cake. The Santals eat various edible leaves; "Sih arak, Purai arak, (Beng. Pui sang) Kedok Madia arak, Munga arak" deserve mention. These are generally boiled in water, eaten with salt, and, as an occasional luxury, fried with "mohua" oil. Milk is primarily not utilised by the Santals and is only used for churning butter and preparing curd. The Santals also drink handi in large quantities. It is made with sun-dried rice and powdered root.

Dress:

The Santal men generally wear a little apron or 'lengta,' which is white. The Santal adults, generally nowadays, wear loin cloths that hang from the waist to the knee joint, like the 'lungi.' During a marriage or other similar occasions, they wear a turban, a long, narrow white cloth soaked in turmeric. The Santal women now generally wear bordered "saris" that are not less than seven cubits in length. Half of this is the lower garment knotted at the waist; the other half is passed over the left shoulder and hangs in the front. They use no veils for their heads of raven dark mass of wavy hair. The typical Santal ornament is made of brass, but nickel and silver are frequently used. Some wives of well-to-do Santals wear a head ornament called "jhipi", a silver tiara-like ornament with a crescent moon glimmering in a locket.

Marriage:

The Santali name for marriage is 'Bapla.' Mr O'Malley believes this word initially meant the mutual gathering of two families. It is strictly forbidden amongst the Santals to marry within their septs, and they should marry a girl who is three 'kuris' or a generation younger than him. There are mainly two types of marriages being practised by the Santal- the marriage which the 'Raibar' arranges (marriage maker) but apart from this there are other forms of marriages prevalent among the Santals: Sangha Bapla (Ader bapla): Sangha Bapla (Marriage) is referred to marriage done by elder brother's wife by younger brother in case of death and lost; Kadam Bapla: Kadam Bapla is generally done under kadam tree with all rituals and customs, this is oldest kind of marriage in Santhal community; Kirin Bapla: Kirin in Santali means purchase. Kirin Bapla is referred to as a bride from her parent's home, Orh Adar Bapla (marriage by capture and several such categories are there. The boy's side first initiates marriage negotiations. The elders of both parties exchange several visits to fix the customary bride price. The boy's side pays the bride price in both cash and kind, consisting of a few rupees, cow/bullock, and three saris - one for the bride's mother, one for her paternal grandmother, and the third one for her father's sister. The Mandwa ceremony is usually delightful for seeing and understanding the Santali culture. It marks the day when the couple gets married. The ceremony is performed throughout the day, and initially, a new place called 'mandwa khunti' is built for the preliminary events.